Research Article | Volume 3 Issue 1 (Jan-June, 2022) | Pages 1 - 10
The Myths and Realities of Niger Delta Crisis and Nigeria’s Foreign Image In The Fourth Republic
 ,
 ,
1
Department of Political Science, Federal University Lafia, Nasarawa State, Nigeria
2
Department of Political Science, Nasarawa State University, Keffi, Nasarawa State, Nigeria
Under a Creative Commons license
Open Access
Received
Jan. 17, 2022
Revised
Jan. 28, 2022
Accepted
Feb. 8, 2022
Published
May 20, 2022
Abstract

Nigeria has been portrayed in bad light due to its unimpressive image and reputation as a corrupt and mismanaged economy often blamed on bad governance and poor leadership particularly in the management of the Niger-Delta crisis. The research basically examines the myths and realities of Niger Delta Crisis and its impact on Nigeria’s foreign image in the fourth republic. Rentier state theory was used as theoretical framework. Mixed research design was employed while data were generated from both primary and secondary sources. The sample size of 400 was determined using Rakesh statistical formula from the target population of 1,380. Four hundred (400) questionnaires were distributed to the respondents. However, three hundred and fifty (387) questionnaire were filled and retrieved. Thus 387 out of the 400 questionnaire were used to analyze the data. The responses from the questionnaires were presented according to the objectives using, frequency table (frequency, count and percentage). Findings from the study reveals that Nigeria since inception as a federation has been a fragile and weak nation, Nigerian foreign image reputation has been greatly affected by some internal factors that have made the country not to secure a remarkable influence and respect in sub-regional, regional and global diplomatic relationship despite its wealth and commitment in assisting other countries, the weakness of the Nigerian state arises primarily from the incapacity of the state to deliver essential and basic needs to its citizens and the Nigerian state is a victim of high level corruption and bad governance, political instability, ethnic and religious conflicts among others. These challenges have clogged up the route to sustainable development, tarnished Nigeria’s image and caused the diminishment of Nigeria’s prominence both at home and abroad. The study strongly recommends that the country should accept external third party support for mediating and coordinating the peace process, as this appears to be the only basis on which negotiations with the militants can be effectively conducted. External support of the United Nations is particularly needed here, as this will guarantee a holistic approach to the problem.

Keywords
INTRODUCTION

The international system is symbiotic in nature, leading to the notion that no country can exist as an island. Since no state can avoid relating with others, states must frame their interactions systematically to aid the advancement of national interests in its relations with other states. Foreign policy is therefore an integral part of the activities of the modern state. A state without foreign policy therefore can be likened to a ship without a sailor.

 

In order to remain relevant in the international system, a state must articulate its foreign policy in the manner that it captures the state’s national interest. As [1] succinctly puts it, “every nation’s foreign policy is or should be in service of its national interest.” African-nationalism and Pan-Africanism were two factors that informed foreign policy thinking and orientation at independence and inception of Nigeria’s foreign policy. In underscoring these averments, the foreign policy thrust of the country has been guided by the following: African unity and independence, peaceful settlement of disputes, capacity to exercise hegemonic influence in the region, non-alignment principle, non-interference in the internal affairs of states, and economic cooperation and development within the region [2]

 

A state with image crisis is difficult to market or advertise in the ‘diplomatic market.’ Laundering the battered image of such a nation in the international arena is as difficult as trying to engage in image-making for an international terrorist gang such as the Al Qaeda. Nigeria’s image crisis has historical foundation and dynamics.

 

The Niger Delta crisis (in the recent past) made negative headlines in both local and international media, portraying Nigeria in a bad light. The Nigerian government later realized that normal oil exploration activities – the mainstay of the Nigerian economy, could no longer continue in the face of militancy and warfare in the Niger Delta Region, the government thus saw the need to take proactive measures in addressing the problems of the area. The conflict in the 

Niger Delta has been with the people like a chronic plague. One of the results of the unending crisis in the Niger Delta area is that the so-called rich oil-city that used to be a booming commercial emporium has now become a literal ghetto, a mere shadow of its former self. So many multinational and other companies have had to relocate to safer climes as the perennial inter-ethnic war rages on. Delta State remains the largest producer of petroleum and gas in the country. Accordingly, the socio-political stability of the state ought to have been uppermost in the mind of the Federal Government [3]

 

The perpetrators of violence in Niger Delta are the state security forces and armed ethnic militias. Although peace negotiations of various sorts are in progress, the depth and profundity of the crisis requires immediate and serious attention. Poverty has come to be common term in Africa as whole. Nigeria, which is said to be the giant of Africa, isn’t left out from the entangling hold of poverty. Many attempts have been made to put an end to this life-terminating menace called poverty, but it seems like all efforts are in vain, and the people keep suffering from a lack of food, money and the necessary things which make life worth living. Poverty can be define to include low level of income, the absence of medicare, poor sanitation, the absence of good drinking water, illiteracy, the inability to participate effectively in decisions that affect an individual's life directly; and the lack of security and protection from crime [4]

 

The implications of the Niger Delta crisis on Nigeria’s foreign image are enormous especially as it manifested in the diminishing image of Nigeria in the comity of nations. There is no doubt that the persistent crisis in the Niger Delta region has an adverse effect on the state and level of entrepreneurship and potential foreign investors. Nigeria has experienced negativity in her foreign image. Physically, infrastructures have degenerated considerably due to lack of adequate maintenance, coupled with a rapidly growing population. Nigeria, in recent times, has recorded unprecedented crises that have threatened human security stemming from authoritarianism and bad governance. The country's recent political and economic history is characterized by corruption, lack of accountability and transparency, deprivation, abuse of human rights, environmental pollution and degradation; poor macro-economic management. All of these have culminated in violence conflicts in the country. All these constitute a researchable problem in the sense that it has negative effect on Nigeria foreign image.

 

In 2008, concerned about the adverse domestic and international implications of the growing insurgency in the oil bearing region, the president launched several initiatives as part of a comprehensive plan to end the conflict, and promote peace, development and stability in the Niger Delta. However, by the end of 2008 it was evident that, although government had broadly accepted that the Niger Delta’s problems required quick and urgent intervention, continued militia attacks and huge losses in oil production ensured that the ‘military solution’ was not about to be abandoned.

 

The challenges confronting the government in its effort to redeem Nigeria foreign image are enormous. In the recent past, the militant groups have adopted new tactic of capturing highly placed Nigerians and foreigner’s hostage for several months demanding for huge sum of money before their release. Disputes over government resources and control of crude oil, including the stolen oil, drive the violence that has engulfed parts of Nigeria's oil-producing Niger Delta. In the light of these various problems, this study shall be guided by the following research questions.

 

Research Questions

  • What is the impact of the Niger Delta crisis on Nigeria Foreign’ image in the fourth republic?

  • What are the measures put in place by government to tackle the Niger Delta crisis to redeem the Nigeria Foreign image in the fourth republic?

  • What are the challenges confronting the government in its effort to redeem Nigeria foreign image in the fourth republic?

 

Conceptual Discourse

Niger Delta Crisis

The demand by the people in oil producing states (the South-South zone of Nigeria) for resource control is the extreme case of or an indirect clamor for a reversion to the principle of derivation. Experts and political analysts have observed that the gross mismanagement of the Nigerian fiscal system (particularly under military rule), justifies this demand which undermines the basis of Nigeria’s democracy. The clamor for control of resources in the Niger Delta area can be traced to the quest for justice and the end of marginalization of the area, for example, the struggle by the people of Ogoni land, under late Ken Saro Wiwa in early 1990s. The protests by the people of Ogoni were crashed by the military government under late General Sani Aabcha, which led to the execution of Saro Wiwa in 1995.

 

Talking about their grievances, the people cried of lack of developments even though, the Nigerian oil money is from their area. They also complained about environmental pollution and destruction of their land and rivers by oil companies operating in the area. The effects of oil exploration in the communities and environment in the Niger Delta have been enormous. Local indigenous communities have seen little or no improvement in their standard of living while suffering serious damages to their natural environment. Available records in Nigeria indicated that there were more than 7,000 oil spills between 1970 and 2000. In 1998, the Ijaw people expressed their long-held concerns about loss of control over resources to oil companies, in the Kaima Declaration which was violently suppressed by the military again, killing at least three protesters and arresting twenty-five others.

 

In fact, the region has been devastated by long period of oil exploitation, pollution of waters and almost daily oil spillages and gas flares. These raises temper of the people and created tensions resulting in militancy in the region and form part of what is today known as the agitation for resource control. By 2006, local indigenous activity against commercial oil refineries and pipelines in the region, have increased in frequency and militancy.

 

Employees of the major oil company in the area- the Shell, were the primary targets in hostage taking activities of the local militants. In September 2008, Movement for the emancipation of the Niger Delta (MEND) proclaimed an ‘oil war’ throughout the Niger Delta against both, pipelines and oil production facilities, and the Nigerian Government. The Government responded by sending more troops and State Security Service into the region, resulting in violence and human rights abuses. In August 2009, the Nigerian Government granted Amnesty to the militants, which saw the militants surrendering their weapons in exchange for a presidential pardon, rehabilitation program, education and skills acquisition. Since then government and private initiatives to develop the Niger Delta region have been increased through the Niger Delta Development Commission (NDDC), and the Development Initiative (DEVIN), a non- governmental organization.                

 

Foreign Policy

sees foreign policy as the objectives which constitute a comprehensive plan that serve as goals that a country hopes to achieve in its relation with other members of the world. In other words, states that every country constructs a plan with certain key goals that it seeks to achieve in its relations with other states in the international system so as to avoid steering without direction in the waters of international relations.

 

identify foreign policy as a strategy that is properly articulated and designed in a coordinated manner by institutionally-designated decision-makers in a bid to manipulate the international environment to achieve identified national objectives. This conception presents foreign policy as an instrument of power via which states can react to events in the international environment by its actions or inactions for the purpose of advancing national goals. To put it simple, foreign policy refers to the goals, principles, strategy and tactics in which an actor pursues in the international community [5]

 

Global Image 

A country’s standing in the international system although dependent on some other factors, is highly dependent on her image perception being positive or negative. The perception of a country by members of the international system, how a country pursues its relations with others, and particularly, the behavior of its citizens at home and abroad combine to determine the country’s image [6] Thus, image making is an essential feature of a nation’s foreign policy. Image can be seen as the perception of a country by other actors in the international arena (both states and non-state actors), which can be a result of objectivity or subjectivity of purpose. The global image of a country, therefore, provides a basis for self-reappraisal in the event of any bad perception.

 

Global image, [7] purported, relates to how a country is seen by other global actors when it pursues its relations with others and particularly, the behavior of its citizens at home and abroad. According to [8], image as an individual’s (or nation’s) perception of an object, fact or condition in terms of badness or goodness as well as the meaning ascribed to, or deduced there from. If we extrapolate from that, we can conclude that image-building must necessarily constitute a fundamental element of a nation’s foreign policy, suggesting that the way a country is perceived, especially in the 21st Century, is a function of her national image. Accordingly, a nation’s dogged pursuit of image-building forms an important determinant of how well the country is doing at home and abroad and is simultaneously an essential element in the strategy for foreign policy formulation and implementation.

 

A good image results in respect, influence and prestige. While, a bad or negative perception of a country's image implies that such a country lacks respect, influence and prestige in the international system. Indeed, the image issue is a product of perception. There is yet no universally acknowledged scientific standard for perception as it is pervasively subjective. To the extent that human societies are complex, perception is a complex phenomenon [6] The perception of a nation in international relations is the perception of its people, and the perception of its people is also partly a function of the political leaders’ actions and character. Consequently, the image a country attempts to create and project, through its foreign policy, must conform to its citizens‟ perception of the country, its national interests, and the image expectations of other members of the international community.

 

Image Crisis

A state with an image crisis is difficult to advertise in the “diplomatic market” [9] Therefore, a country’s image needs to be framed adequately in order to gain respect and relevance in the international system. Nigeria’s image in the comity of nations has reduced drastically due to the activities of Niger-Delta militants in the South South, the Boko Haram insurgents in the northeast and other parts of the country, the Fulani herdsmen in the Middle Belt and the Indigenous People of Biafra (IPOB) [10] Bad governance at the domestic level is partly responsible for the mass exodus of Nigerians to other countries in search of greener pastures who are sometimes caught committing crimes, thus giving the country a bad image. Some Nigerians responsible for the projections of a bad image are corrupt government officials, drug and human traffickers, and fraudsters who operate online and offline, duping foreigners and citizens of their financial resources. 

THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK

The study adopted the Rentier State Theory (RST). The Rentier State Theory was popularized.The theory has informed much scholarly research on the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) region. A main theorist of the Rentier state theories argues that “in a rentier state, the government is the principal recipient of the external rent in the economy. This is a fact of paramount importance, cutting across the whole of the social fabric of the economy affecting the role of the state in the society” .

 

Close reading of the theories.the consideration of critical essays on theories of the rentier state, as well as a glance at countries ranking among rentier states by definition leads to the conclusion that the rentier state theory judges, generalises, and oversimplifies the respective states that rank among the definition of the rentier states. The theory focuses on the economy of a state and how a regime manages this economy, and excludes many elements that are essential to the analysis of the mentioned political processes and is therefore very problematic for this purpose.

 

introduced a rentier state theory using three key characteristics. Firstly, in a rentier state, rent is the predominant income. Secondly, a substantial amount of that rent is gained externally, i.e. sustaining an economy in the absence of "a strong productive domestic sector" (p. 87). Thirdly, this external rent is earned by “only few”, or only “a small fraction of the society”, introducing the idea of the few versus the many. In other words, if the wealth generation process involves the majority of a given society, the rentier state theory by Beblawi does not apply. Here, the majority of the society should be “involved in the distribution or utilisation” (p. 87) of that wealth only. Lastly, in a rentier state, the government takes on the role of “the few” and therefore largely receives the mentioned external rent. The government receives its main income as external rent. It is this last point that brings relevance to the analysis of political processes in countries, as in a system with the mentioned features, according to Beblawi, political power lies in the hands of those enjoying economic power, i.e. the few. 

 

In this described state system, economic activity is undertaken mainly by the government, and the resulting economic wealth is then redistributed to the population, which lets “citizenship become a source of economic benefit” (p. 89). Here, a hierarchy develops, and results in a relationship between state and society that is based on the distribution of favours and benefits. According to this logic, when taxation etc. are not utilised for the purpose of state provision, citizens demand less in response to the government’s benevolence. Consequently, the involved citizens do not earn money as a result of work, but, under certain circumstances, get it awarded by their government, affecting the “ethics of work” 

 

In writings on the rentier state, the distinction between allocation and production plays a major role. This distinction between allocation states and production states is utilised in order to firstly categorise by origin of a state’s income instead of the natures of that income, and secondly, the consequent function that the respective state takes in the given context. The allocation state’s income is earned from abroad, while the production state’s income is based on their domestic production and the taxation. The states’ functions are mirrored in their respective terms, with the allocation state mainly reallocating the accrued income, and the production state mainly taking on the function of producing for the generation of income. As in Beblawi’s distinction, this leads to a clear distinctive feature in the allocation states’ setup. According to Luciani, under the circumstances of a state earning more than 40 percent of their revenues from abroad, and “whose expenditure is a substantial share of GDP” a very different state-society relationship is developed.

 

The relevance of this theory to this study is that it focuses on the economy of a state and how a regime manages this economy, and excludes many elements that are essential to the analysis of the mentioned political processes and is therefore very problematic for this purpose.

 

 

 

Data Analysis and Interpretation of Results

Table 1: Responses on the Impact of Niger Delta Crisis on Nigeria’s Foreign Image in the fourth republic

Responses     

 

 SA

          A            D               SD            U         Total

Productivity losses                               170             172                    18                15               12 387

                                                                (43.9%)  (44.4%)    (4.6%)       (3.8%)      (3.1%) (100%)

Discouragement of Foreign 

Investors                                               185             151                    19                19                     13           387

                                                                (47.8%)    (39%)     (4.9%)    (4.9%)      (3.3%) (100%)

Stagnated Development    163              175                    19                   16   14           387

                                                                (42.1%)   (45.2%)    (4.9%)        (4.1%)    (3.6%)    (100%)


 

Source: Field Survey July, 2021

 


 

Analyzing the responses of the respondents on the view that productivity losses is the impact of the Niger Delta crisis on Nigeria’s foreign image, the data supplied by respondents shows that the majority of one hundred and seventy-two respondents (172) accounting for forty-four point four percent (44.4%) agree, one hundred and seventy (170) respondents or forty-four percent (43.9%) strongly agree. Those who disagree and strongly disagree represent four point six percent (4.6%), and three point four percent (3.8%) respectively while twelve respondents representing (3.4%) were undecided.

 

On the proposition whether discouragement of foreign investors is the impact of the Niger Delta crisis on Nigeria’s foreign image, the above data showed that one hundred and eighty-five (185) representing forty-seven point eight percent (47.8%) strongly agreed while one hundred fifty-one respondents (15) accounting for thirty-nine percent (39%) agreed. Respondents who disagree are nineteen (19) or (4.9%) and those who strongly disagree were tied at nineteen (19) or three point three percent (4.9%) while thirteen (13) representing (3.3%) were undecided. It is therefore safe to conclude that Niger Delta crisis has worsened Nigeria’s foreign image.

 

On the view that stagnated development is the impact of Niger Delta crisis on Nigeria’s foreign image, respondents who agree and strongly agree were in the majority, representing one hundred and sixty-three (163) or forty-two point one percent (42.1%) and one hundred and seventy-five (175) respondents accounting for forty-five point two percent (45.2%) respectively. This is against the  sixteen (16) or four point one percent (4.1%) and nineteen (19) or four point nine percent (4.9%) and fourteen (14) accounting for four point zero (3.6%), of those who strongly disagree, disagree and undecided respondents.

 

This made Adelusi and argued that the linkage between domestic processes and external relations provides a specific context which identifies the extent to which specific issues can positively or negatively exert influence on achievement of a given policy. Related to the above analysis, they observed with keen interest, the complex relationships between foreign policy, international image and national transformation as they affect Nigeria. It is evident that foreign policy, when conceived as the way a country relates with its external environment, has serious implications for the country’s international image. In other words, foreign relations invariably dictate how foreigners are received and treated by host countries. On the other hand, the feed-back mechanism embedded in the foreign policy formulation and implementation process can help to drive national transformation.

 

Some Nigerians responsible for the projection of bad image are corrupt government officials, oil pipeline vandalizations, drug and human traffickers and fraudsters who operate online and offline, duping foreigners and citizens of their financial recourses. Other impacts are developmental challenge, socio-cultural implications, economic setback and problem of human resources.

 

An examination of the domestic constraints on Nigeria’s foreign policy reveals the ways in which the country’s foreign policy has been characterized by reactive and uncoordinated policies. Since the 1999, the Nigerian state has had to contend with multiple crises including the fall in global oil prices, communal violence and religious-based violence. Many of these conflicts have erupted over issues such as contested boundaries and sharing of resources, other conflicts have also involved matters relating to “settlers” versus “indigenes” or “oil producing communities” versus “oil multinationals,” all of which have fueled instability and led to a questioning of a national Nigerian identity. Lastly, the role that oil plays in Nigeria’s foreign policy cannot be underestimated. Oil lies at the heart of policy formulation in Nigeria. To that extend, the country described as the world’s eighth largest oil- producer.


 

 

 

Table 2: Selected Cases of Hostage-Taking/Kidnapping in the Niger Delta (2003-2005)

S/N

Year

Cases 

1

2003

Troops are sent to the oilfields amid clashes between rival Ijaw and Itsekiri groups. Around 30 people die. In April, militants seize four Niger Delta oil rigs, taking some 270 people hostage, 97 of them foreigners. After negotiations, the hostages are released.

2

2004

Five Nigerians and two Americans working for Chevron Texaco are killed by pirates in the Niger Delta. Fighting between groups seeking to control the oilfields leaves some 500 people dead in Port Harcourt and surrounding regions, according to Amnesty International. In October, the groups reach a ceasefire agreement.

3

2005

Six oil workers including two Germans are kidnapped, and then freed three days later.

Source: [11]

 


 

Kidnapping has, of recent, assume alarming dimension in the States in the Niger Delta region opening up opportunities and avenues for dangerous degeneration. Its occurrence and impacts started to be felt this early 21st century, a phenomenon induced by oil resource exploration. There are many factors that have contributed to the emergence of kidnapping in the region. Apart from the wider liberation consciousness of the people over the years, social, economic and political reasons have come to play prominent roles for the rise in the industry of recent. This trend however has impact on Nigeria’s foreign image.



 

Table: 3: Cases of Kidnapping in the Niger Delta after Demobilizing of the Militants between 2010-2012

S/N

 Year 

Cases 

Expats Taken

Nationals Taken

Total 

1

2010

Britons and a Colombian workin for Netco were kidnapped when their convoy was attacked near Port Harcourt. A Nigerian employee of Total was kidnapped by unknown men in Southern Nigeri

3

17

20

2

2011/2012

five Indian sailors aboard the SP Brussels were kidnapped by M.E.N.D militants. 4 South Korean oil workers were kidnapped by M.E.N.D gunmen from an oil plant in the Niger Delta 

9

1

10

Source: The Times (London) retrieved from [12]

 

 

Table 4: Pipeline Incidences in Nigeria, 2005-2012

Year  Incidences  Value Loss N (Million)
2005223741,615.00
2006367436,645.00
2007322417,240.00
2008228514,594.00
200914538,195.00
20108366,848.11
2011276812,526.00
2012223021,484.00

Source: NNPC ASB 2011- IST Edition, www.nnpcgroup.com

 


 

The consequences or effects of oil pipelines vandalization cannot be exhausted; the immediate effect of oil pipeline vandalization is oil spillage. This has become has become a source of worry to both Niger Delta people and federal government/oil MNCs as it cause considerable ecological and physical damage to the environment. It thus destroys the farmlands, water, vegetation and wild life thereby affecting Nigeria’s foreign image.


 

 

Table 5: Responses on Measures put in place by Government to tackle the Niger Delta Crisis to Redeem the Nigeria Foreign Image in the fourth republic

Responses     

 

 SA

          A                 D              SD            U           Total

Development agencies such 

as NDE, OMPADEC & NDDC 180       162                9                 5               31               387

                                                                  (43.9%)     (44.4%)     (4.6%)       (3.8%)      (3.1%)   (100%)

Appointment of prominent 

Individuals                                                 129              131            101                26              -              387

                                                                (33.3%)       (33.8%)       (26%)        (6.7%)       (-%)       (100%)

Revenue Derivation Formula 143        195               12             16                   21            387

                                                                 (36.9%)      (50.3%)       (3.1%)       (4.1%)      (5.4%)    (100%)

 


 

Source: Field Survey July, 2021


 

Majority of the respondents agreed that creation of development agencies such as NDE, OMPADEC and NDDC are the measures put in place by government to tackle the Niger Delta crisis to redeem Nigeria foreign image.  In numerical terms, respondents who agree account for one hundred and sixty-two (162) or forty-four point four percent (44.4%) and those who strongly agree stood at one hundred and eighty (180) or fifty-three point nine percent (43.9%). On the other hand those who disagree are nine (9) representing four point six (4.6) while those who strongly disagree are five (5) or three point eight percent (3.8%) and thirty-one (31) or three point one percent (3.1%) is undecided.

          

Similarly, Respondents who agree on appointment of prominent individuals from the Niger Delta to positions of national leadership as the measures put in place by government to tackle the Niger Delta crisis to redeem the Nigeria foreign image account for one hundred and twenty-nine (129) or thirty-three point three percent (33.3%) while those who strongly agree stood at one hundred and thirty-one (131) or thirty-three point eight percent (33.8%). Those who strongly disagree stood at twenty-six (26) or six point seven percent (6.7%), those who disagreed recorded one hundred and one (101), representing twenty-six percent (26%), while those undecided stood at zero (0).

 

On the view that revenue derivation formula is the measures put in place by government to tackle the Niger Delta crisis to redeem Nigeria foreign image, respondents who agree and strongly agree are in the majority having recorded the highest numbers of one hundred and ninety-five (195) or fifty point three percent (50.3%) and one hundred and forty-three (143) or thirty-six point nine percent (36.9%). Those who disagree are twelve (12) or three point one percent (3.1%), sixteen (16) or four point one percent (4.1%) strongly disagree while twelve (12) respondents representing five point four percent (5.4%) remain undecided.


 

 

Table 6: Arms handed over to Government by Militants in Bayelsa and Rivers States 20 August 2009

State 

Gun 

Rifle 

Mort.

Bombs

Gun Boats

General Purpose Machine Guns (GPMG)

Grenades

Rockets Launchers

Others (Bullets, etc)

Bayelsa

520

385

79

18

108

107

17

95,970

River 

35

109

50

6

34

60

3

23,023

Total 

555

494

129

24

142

167

20

118,993

Source: [12] 

Table 6 highlight the number of arms handed over to government by militants in Bayelsa and Rivers on August 2009.

 

Table 7: Disarmed Militants in the Niger Delta, December 2009

S/N

State 

Male 

Female

Total

1

Abia 

155

8

163

2

Akwa Ibom

571

29

600

3

Bayelsa

8,900

117

9,017

4

Cross River

159

1

160

5

Delta

4,396

20

4,416

6

Edo 

450

0

450

7

Imo 

297

3

300

8

Ondo 

2,198

2

2,200

9

Rivers

8,963

89

9,052

 

Total

26,089

272

26,361

Source: Amnesty Office, Abuja, 2010 

 

Table 7 highlight the total number of militants in the Niger Delta disarmed in 2010.

Table 8: Responses on Challenges Confronting the Government in its effort to Redeem Nigeria’s Foreign Policy in the fourth republic

Responses     

 

 SA

          A            D               SD            U         Total

Environmental Degradation              200             142                    5                    -                   40 387

                                                                (51.6%)  (36.6%)    (3.8%)       (-%)      (10.3%) (100%)

Lack of Cooperation                          159             151                    31                26                     20           387

                                                                (41%)         (39%)      (8%)         (5.9%)    (5.1%)            (100%)

Destruction of Lives and 

Property                                 163             175                    13                   13   23           387

                                                                (42.1%)   (45.2%)    (3.3%)    (3.3%)        (5.9%)     (100%)

 


 

Source: Field Survey July, 2021

 


 

Majority of the respondents agree to the question that environmental degradation is the challenges confronting the government in its efforts to redeem Nigeria’s foreign imageIn numerical terms, respondents who agree account for one hundred and forty-two (142) or thirty-six point six percent (36.6%) and those who strongly agree stood at two hundred (200) or fifty-one point six percent (51.6%). On the other hand those who disagree stood at five (5) or three point eight (3.8%), none of the respondent strongly disagree while forty respondents (40) accounting for ten point three percent (10.3%) were undecided.

 

On the view that lack of cooperation between public servants and political office holders is the challenges confronting the government in its efforts to redeem Nigeria’s foreign image, respondents who agree and strongly agree are in the majority having recorded the highest numbers of one hundred and fifty-one (151) or thirty-nine percent (39%) and one hundred and fifty-nine (159) or forty-one percent (41%). Those who disagree are thirty-one (31) or eight percent (8%), twenty-six (26) or five point nine percent (5.9%) strongly disagree while nine (20) respondents representing (5.1%) were undecided.

 

It was discovered from the respondents that the view that destruction of lives and property is the challenges confronting the government in its efforts to redeem Nigeria’s foreign image. This is so because the data analysis shows that one hundred and sixty-three respondents (163) representing forty-two point one percent (42.1%) strongly agree, one hundred and seventy-five respondents (175) accounting for forty-five point two percent (45.2%) agreed, while those undecided are twenty-three (23) or five point nine percent ( 5.9%). While those who disagreed and strongly disagreed are tied to twenty-six (26) accounting six point nine (6.9%). 

 

Internationally, the pervasive corruption and Niger Delta crisis in Nigeria has tarnished the image of the country and has resulted in foreign nationals exercising extreme caution in entering into business transactions with Nigerians, thereby weakening the economic sector. A country’s standing in the international system although dependent on some other factors, is highly dependent on the perception of her image globally. Nigerians image has been shaped by a number by a number of factors since 1960. These factors include Nigerians afro centric policy, Nigerians big market for Euro-American finished products, Nigerians oil boom, Nigerians anti apartheid policy, Nigerians policy of technical assistance and several other factors that evolved over the years [13]

 

It has become very obvious that crime and corruption is the bane of Nigerians development. The current Boko Haram insurgency in the North Eastern part of the country and has resulted in foreign nationals exercising caution in entering into business transactions with Nigerians, thereby weakening the economic sector.

DISCUSSION OF FINDINGS
  • Findings from the study reveals that Nigeria since inception as a federation has been a fragile and weak nation, Nigerian foreign policy reputation has been greatly affected by some internal factors that have made the country not to secure a remarkable influence and respect in sub-regional, regional and global diplomatic relationship despite its wealth and commitment in assisting other countries, the weakness of the Nigerian state arises primarily from the incapacity of the state to deliver essential and basic needs to its citizens and the Nigerian state is a victim of high level corruption and bad governance, political instability, ethnic and religious conflicts arising from the debate of resource control. These challenges have clogged up the route to sustainable development, tarnished Nigeria’s image and caused the diminishment of Nigeria’s prominence both at home and abroad. This proves that Niger Delta crisis has impacted negatively on Nigeria foreign image.

  • The study revealed that given the major negative implications of the crisis for all interests involved, it is not surprising to find that a number of initiatives have been adopted by the Nigerian state and the oil companies to assuage the ‘anger’ of the communities in the Niger Delta. Among the initiatives, the following have been popular: establishing development agencies such as NDE, OMPADEC and NDDC; appointment of prominent individuals from the Niger Delta to positions of national leadership, the rule making approach as in the Revenue Derivation Formula, making laws and regulations for the ‘development’ of the Niger Delta or as part of some general legislation on property rights and environmental. 

  • It was also discovered that the Key internal challenges that affect the implementation of Nigeria's Foreign Policy between 2007-2019 include poor governance, insecurity of lives and property, irregular power supply, low quality public service delivery and rating of the nations educational institutions; poor capacity to innovate; the unimpressive quality of its democracy and the inability to build consensus and resolve conflicts. More specifically, the Niger Delta Crisis in the South and insurgency in the North, the collapse of public education, growing unemployment, oil dependent economy, dilapidated economic infrastructure among others are major issues that deserve attention, if not radical government intervention.

CONCLUSION

This study is an examination of the myths and realities of Niger Delta Crisis and Nigeria’s foreign image in the fourth republic. The Niger Delta crisis has been aggravated by the heterogeneous nature and the weak capacity of the Nigerian State. As a result, the politicization and ethnicization of the resource allocation process by the country and its elites have heightened the series of contestations and crisis in recent years. Thus, the people of the region who constitute a minority group in the polity have seen themselves as victims of the politics of resource control by the dominant majority ethnic groups in control of state power. The failure of government over the years to redress the defects in the system has heightened the crisis level while the government was quick to brand the activity as mere criminality to be dealt with by military force.

 

Giving the strategic significance of Nigeria for the sub-region and for the entire continent, the endemic violence and insurgency in the delta region creates both national security concerns for the country and energy security concerns for her trading partners. However, political instability and violent conflict in the Niger Delta (the major source of the nation’s oil and gas) have deepened to the point that some of the oil and oil-service companies working there including Chevron, Royal Dutch Shell, Exxon-Mobil and Julius Berger, feel that their “social license to operate” is rapidly eroding. Thus the crisis in the delta threatens Nigeria’s major international customers/partners. This poses a serious challenge to the nation’s foreign policy to the extent that it could drastically affect the flow of Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) into the country. 

Nigeria image needs to be framed adequately in other to gain respect and relevance in the international system. Nigeria’s image in the comity of nations has reduced drastically due to the activities of Niger-Delta militants in the south-south, also the Boko Haram insurgent in the north east and other part of the country, the Fulani herdsmen in the middle east and the indigenous people of Biafra (IPOB).

 

Recommendations

  • The country should accept external third party support for mediating and coordinating the peace process, as this appears to be the only basis on which negotiations with the militants can be effectively conducted. External support of the United Nations is particularly needed here, as this will guarantee a holistic approach to the problem.

  • Regular discourse among the stake holders is suggested to avoid cumulated aggression. The obligation is on all levels of government and oil prospecting companies to aid such dialogue and execute all agreements reached.

  • Nigeria image needs to be framed adequately in other to gain respect and relevance in the international system. Nigeria’s image in the comity of nations has reduced drastically due to the activities of Niger-Delta militants in the south-south, the Boko Haram insurgent in the north east and other part of the country, the Fulani herdsmen in the north central and the indigenous people of Biafra (IPOB).

Conflict of Interest:

The authors declare that they have no conflict of interest

Funding:

No funding sources

Ethical approval:

The study was approved by the University, Keffi, Nasarawa State, Nigeria.

REFERENCES
  1. Eze, O. C. (2010). Interrogating Nigeria’s Interest. In O. C. Eze (ed.), Beyond 50 years of Nigeria’s Foreign Policy: Issues, Challenges and Prospects. Victoria Island: The Nigerian Institute of International Affairs, 79-92. 

  2. Ukwuije, C. (2015). Reflections on Nigerian Foreign Policy Posture Under Musa Yar’Adua and Goodluck Jonathan on National Progress and International Relations. International Policy Brief Series, 5 (1), 109-118.

  3. Kia, B., Nwigbo, T. S. & Ojie, P. A. (2017). Foreign Policy Strategy of the Federal Republic of Nigeria 1960-2012: The Missing Link. International Journal of International Relations, Media and Mass Communications Studies, 3 (2), 10-27.

  4. Natufe, I .(2007). Resolving the crisis in Nigeria Delta. The Guardian, Friday, February, 16.

  5. Aliyu, T.S., Adoga, P.P., and Mukhar, A.K. (2019). Effects of Trade Liberalization on Nigeria’s 

  6. Zimako, O. Z. (2009). Face of a Nation: Democracy in Nigeria: Foreign Relations and National Image. Lagos: Modern Approach.

  7. Boma Lysa, D., Terfa, T., and Tsegyu, S. (2015). Nigerian Foreign Policy and Global Image: A Critical Assessment of Goodluck Jonathan’s Administration. Journal of Mass Communication Journalism, 5 (10), 279-289.

  8. Holsti, K. J. (1996). International Politics: A Framework for Analysis. Englewood Cliffs, NJ. 

  9. Egwemi, V. (2010). Managing Nigeria’s Image Crisis: Akunyili’s Rebranding Programme to the Rescue. Current Research Journal of Economic Theory, 2 (3), 131-135. 

  10. Campbell, J. (2017, September 20). Biafria is Back. Council on Foreign Relations. Retrieved from: https://www.cfr.org/blog/biafra-back 

  11. Akpan, N. S. (2010). “Kidnapping in Nigeria’s Niger Delta: An Exploratory Study”. Journal of Social Sciences. 24(1):33-42.

  12. Etekpe, A. (2012). Peace and Development in Nigeria: Amnesty experience in Niger Delta in Nigeria. Journal of Law and Conflict Resolution. 6(4); 94-102

  13. Zabadi, I. S. (2004). Nigeria’s New Multilateral Diplomacy. In B. A. Akinterinwa (Ed.),

Recommended Articles
Research Article
A Rare Esophageal Atresia in a Trisomy 21 Newborn
...
Published: 20/01/2021
Download PDF
Research Article
Climate change and its impact on Akoko rural farmers' productivity, in Ondo State, Nigeria
Download PDF
Research Article
Laparoscopic Cholecystectomy and find out Risk operator for Conversion in Al-Ramadi Teaching Hospital Retrospective Analysis
Download PDF
Research Article
Investigating Students’ Culture Shock during International Credit Transfer in Philippines
Download PDF
Chat on WhatsApp
Flowbite Logo
PO Box 101, Nakuru
Kenya.
Email: office@iarconsortium.org

Editorial Office:
J.L Bhavan, Near Radison Blu Hotel,
Jalukbari, Guwahati-India
Useful Links
Order Hard Copy
Privacy policy
Terms and Conditions
Refund Policy
Shipping Policy
Others
About Us
Team Members
Contact Us
Online Payments
Join as Editor
Join as Reviewer
Subscribe to our Newsletter
+91 60029-93949
Follow us
MOST SEARCHED KEYWORDS
Copyright © iARCON International LLP . All Rights Reserved.