Nepali social structure is based on a caste-based social hierarchical structure. Caste stratification is the main cause of social exclusion in Nepali society. In this context, the topic of Badi social exclusion is so important in the research. Badi social exclusion has become highly important due to Badi living as an untouchable caste in midwestern hill Nepal and now in Tarai. Studies of the Dalit social exclusions have been done by different scholars. Over time many researchers have done research on Badi prostitution but how the Badi women were obliged to involve prostitution is not researched. 

Nepal is a country of several caste\ethnic groups, that made rigid types of exclusion of certain social groups. Historically, different castes/ethnic groups having different languages, religions, and cultural traditions were excluded from the nation-building process.

Badi is an untouchable caste and one of the hill Dalit castes among 26 Dalit castes [1]. Badi subclans are Kashyap, Kaliyan, Chand, Chhilel, Chhinwyal, Jogi Jumleli, Das, Dumarki, Rana, Badi, Bhand, Hudke, Dhital, Lekali, Pahadi, Shiha, Vaishya, Nagarchi, Khati, Basel, Gautam, Nepal, Badhykar, Batha, Nepali, Chhinal, Baikar, Paudel, Simal, Harithnga, Khanaute, Borsaha. According to the census 2011,  the total population of Badi of the national population was 38,603, and the female population was higher than the male population [2]. Cameron describes the occupations of Badi are potters, entertainers. Male occupations are collect and mix clay, pound clay, shape vessel parts, dry, fire, decorate, dance, sing, drum, and female occupations are carry and mix clay, shape pipes, carry fodder, deliver goods, dance, sing, solicit clients for prostitution [3]. 

Gurung et al. [4] has made the multidimensional social inclusion index, where Badis have occupied 52th rank in the educational domain index. educational domain index, that is 0.4335. Similarly, Badis have health domain index scores slightly below the national average that is 0.5407. The social dimension index scores of Badi are found 0.4871 which is below than national average. Badi's economic access index is included in the bottom twenty groups, which score is 0.2713. Badi nonpoverty domain index score is 0.5085 [4]. This article is concentrated on the study of social exclusion of Badi in Krishnapur  municipality, Far  Western province of Nepal.

Statement of The Problem           

Badi's social exclusion is the main problem rather than Badi's poverty. It can be defined as the problem of Badi's backwardness in social, economic, political, and cultural sectors. Most of the authors have researched on the Badi's women prostitution likes, Gurung [5.6]. Prior studies are limited to describes on Badi's women prostitutions. Cameron [3] describes the sex wise labor division of Badi and changing patterns of patron-client relationship. These studies have not been concerned with how the Badi's women being excluded and oblige to involve in prostitution activities. United Nations Residents and Humanitarian Coordinator's Office [7] points out the Badi's main challenges are discrimination, social stigma, lack of land ownership, low level of representation and participation, and widespread poverty, But, not pay attention to the social exclusion of Badi community. 

Social exclusion research was started by foreigners during the decade of the 2000s in Nepal. Nepal's government took inclusive policy from the tenth plan. Gurung et al. [4] has made the multidimensional social inclusion index, where Badis have occupied 52th rank in the educational domain. Bennett et al. [8] explore the social and historical context of caste/ethnic and regional exclusion in Nepal and also analysis of caste/ethnic and regional differentials in economic wellbeing, education, maternal and child health and nutrition, fertility, and family planning and practice, citizenship, and women's empowerment. DFID and World Bank [9] presents the caste, gender, and ethnic-based social exclusion in Nepal. Making the Gender and Social Exclusion Assessment framework is a great contribution. This research also discusses of legal exclusion of caste, gender, and ethnic groups. But less research has been done on Badi's social exclusion. 

So, this paper's main research question is how the Badi was excluded from the past? The second research question is how is the Badi being excluded in the local level of government?

The rationale for the selection of this study area is Badi residence found at ward no. 2, 5, and 7 of Krishnpur municipality. Badi were migrated after the construction of east-west road, Study area is located in Krishnapur municipality, about 32 k.m. distance from district headquarter. It is surrounded by Godabari Nagarpalika and Dhangadhi Upamahanagarplaika from the east, Suklaphanta Nagarpalika from the west, Dadeldhura district from the north, and Laljhadi Gaunpalika from the south. The universe of the study is unknown so it has been adopted the purposive sampling method. The sampling unit of this research is Badi households. 85 households are selected as the sampling population. Primary and secondary data have been collected. The nature of data is both quantitative and qualitative. An interview schedule has been used to get detailed information about Badi exclusion. Quantitative data has been analyzed with the help of statistical tools. Qualitative data has been interpreted. It is limited only to Badi exclusion in Krishnapur municipality.

Theoretical Overview of Social Exclusion

The term of social exclusion was coined by Rene Lenoir in 1974 to address mentally, physically, and socially disabled groups. The term only covered excluded people from employment-based social security and its main goals were to make a welfare state [10]. 

The social exclusion term was used to understand physically and economically weak people but now its literature has a border sense of its meaning to understand the exclusion of multidimensional aspects and multilevel of social structures. The term was used in the 1980s to refer to development sectors and to remove the weakness of poverty reduction-based development practices. The term gradually spread over Europe and diffused other continents. Later, it became a dominant concept in development sectors from 1990. International development agencies like ILO, UNDP, World Bank, DFID have used social exclusion and social inclusion as policy prescriptions and development plans and programs [10]. DFID defines social exclusion as:

A process by which certain groups are systematically disadvantaged because they are discriminated against based on their ethnicity, race, religion, sexual orientation, caste, descent, gender, age, disability, HIV status, migrant status, or where they live. Discrimination occurs in public institutions, such as the legal system or education and health services, as well as social institutions like the household [11]. 

Gore and Figueiredo define that social exclusion can be seen in the social relationship, where individuals and groups are deprived of access to goods, services, activities, and resources [12]. Silver [13] defines that exclusion as a multidimensional rupturing of the social bond at the individual and collective levels. It denies access to information, resources, recognition, security, employment opportunity [13].

Estivill defines social exclusion as follows: 

Social exclusion may therefore be understood as an accumulation of confluent processes with successive ruptures arising from the heart of the economy, politics, and society, which gradually distances and places persons, groups, communities, and territories in a position of inferiority in relation to centers of power, resources and prevailing values [11].

Sen has a great contribution to interlink with poverty, poverty is the cause and consequence of social exclusion. It can be produced poverty and vice versa. Sen [14] defines that social exclusion as the blocked access to opportunities and participation in the economic, social, cultural, political sphere of life. Poverty is the lack of capability deprivation, which means a low level of a decent life. Low-level descent life leads to social exclusion. 

Sen has divided social exclusion into two types which are active social exclusion and passive social exclusion. Active social exclusion is the systematic process by the formulation of state policies, programs, and plans, which makes rapture of certain groups, and individuals. Passive social exclusion is a product by social process, not by state's law and policy, and no direct process of exclusion but people are gradually excluded as poor people lead to other deprivations [14]. Young [15] had made a distinction between external political exclusion and internal political exclusion. External political exclusion is the direct domination of a highly powerful community to powerless people and cannot participate in public meetings, discussions and do not participate in the decision-making process. Internal political exclusion is the people's lack of influence on others and lack of decision making power [15]. 

Cultural exclusion is a kind of social exclusion, whereby certain cultural groups are dominated by powerful cultural groups. Eller (1998) states that  cultural domination in the United States excluded other culture such as knowledge, truth, values, arts, Silver [13] presents that the three types of social exclusion paradigms that are solidarity paradigm, specialization paradigms, and monopoly paradigms. 

The solidarity paradigm was developed by the Durkheimian solidarity concept and republican political ideology. It is famous in France. It explains that social exclusion is the breakdown of social solidarity and social cohesion. Society is formed by the moral integration and political community based on values, rights, and duties. People are integrated by cultural, moral aspects than economic aspects. 

The specialization paradigm was developed by Anglo-American liberal thought. It is based on the economic activities for defining social exclusion. Individuals differ from each other in terms of skill, interest, and capacity in exchange. Social exclusion is a form of discrimination. Social exclusion is the individual poor performance in the market, low participation in the exchange, and blocked employment opportunities.

The monopoly paradigm was influenced by Max Weber and to some extent Marx. Society is hierarchical power relations, where various classes or groups are competing for getting resources and opportunities. One group monopolies create the social exclusion of other groups. Lower strata groups are being excluded by the top positions groups their using power.

Brief Introduction to Study Area

Krishnapur Nagarpalika is one of the Nagarpalika amongst seven Nagarpalika of Kanchanpur district, which is located in the eastern part of Kachanpur district, far western province and 32 k.m. distance from district headquarter. Krishnapur VDC was changed into Kirshnpur Nagarpalika by the decision of the Nepal Government in B.S. 2072/05/31. In B.S.2074, it was formed by including previous Krishnapur Nagarpalika, Raikawar Bichawa VDC, and ward number 9 of Dekhatabhuli VDC. It is surrounded by Godabari Nagarpalika and Dhangadhi Upamahanagarplaika from the east, Suklaphanta Nagarpalika from the west, Dadeldhura district from the north, and Laljhandi Gaunpalika from the south. Administratively, Krishnapur Nagarpalika has divided into nine wards, and Gulariya is the center. Badi is residing only in ward no. 2, 5, and 7 with a total population of 571. Bhand, Kumal, Das, Rana, Badi, and Damai subclans are found in these wards. Most of the Badi follow the Hindu religion and their main festivals are Dashain, Bhande Sankranti, Tihar, etc. 

History of Badi Social Exclusion

Badi came to at first Salyan of west Nepal from Baisali of India and later settled in Rolpa, Rukum, and Jajarkot. Badi was known as an entertainer, singer and dancer, and storyteller of Mahabharat and Ramayan [5].  Petty states like Jajarkot, Salyan, and Musikot welcomed to Badi and were supported by rulers of these states. Some wealthy high caste landlords favored Badi for taking enjoyment from songs and dances (Regmi, 1978). Badi entrance in West Nepal was welcomed and honorable until 1950. 

These principalities were annexed by Gorkhali Shah king, then, exclusion of Badi was started. Badi was excluded from the state supports like fulfilled basic needs. Badi lost the authority of royal entertainment functions. The ruler's giving the generous remuneration for singing, dancing, and sexual entertainment [6] was reduced from the annexation of three petty principalities. Destruction of the patron-client relationship between rulers and Badi was the cause of the exclusion of Badi. Badi could not fulfill their basic needs from the relationship with wealthy high castes. Reducing the income and job of the royal family made economic exclusion, which affects Badi's social, economic, and cultural life. Gradually, Badi's economic access like employment and goods and services were lacking and falling into the poverty trap. Sen argues that being excluded from employment, exclusion from the food market, and exclusion from food subsidy arrangements are some cases of economic exclusion [14]. The alternative ways were found and serious efforts were made. Then, Badi migrated to Palpa, Baglung, Pokhara, Gorkha, and Bandipur from their homeland [5]. It was the obligatory migration to search for better, Badi being excluded from their homeland. This migration process made Badi's identity is nomad people and landless people.

During the Panchayat period, the implementation of the land reform program directly influenced the relationship between Badi and the landlord. Cox argues that rulers and landlords in west Nepal were loss of their land authority and lost of right to tax subjects that reduced the economic condition of landlords. So, landlords could not provide sufficient services and goods for Badi. Badi women's involvement in prostitution was increased to fulfill loss income from landlords [6]. It shows that land reform was the cause of social exclusion which destruct the patron-client relationship between Badi and wealthy high castes. 

Then, the state launched a malaria eradication program then, Badi migration was directed towards Tarai regions like Tulsipur, Ghorahi, Rajapur, and Nepalganj [6] where Badi were more excluded from the community level. They had no land, made a temporary hut and Badi had under obligation to accept involve in prostitution activities to survive. Badi women entered into urban prostitution, which was the major source of their livelihood.

After 1980, prostitution was expanded and modernized but illegal, prostitution is not limited only Badi women. Other high caste women are also involved as sex workers in Kathmandu valley and growing towns are of Tarai.  Dance Restaurants, hotels, and lodges, massage centers were opened, were illegally open prostitution businesses. As result, Badi women cannot continue their traditional occupation as sex workers. They have the challenge to compete with other occupational sex workers, who are more modernized and professional. It resulted that Badi women prostitution are decreasing now. Similar to Cameron study, that found changing patron-client relationship of low caste women affects the occupation of low caste women. Artisan based occupation of low caste women was changed into an agricultural worker [3]. Like Cameron, Badi women's traditional occupation was illegally changed into professional sectors day by day.

The Nepal Supreme Court ordered the Government to grant birth registration and citizenship to Badi children, establish employment programs and provide grants to vulnerable Badi families in 2005 [1]. It seems legal provision for Badi is inclusive but it is not practiced effectively that led to the social exclusion of Badi. 

Badi movement was raised in 2007 with the demands like the ban of prostitution, untouchability, ensure of birth certificate and citizenship, etc. As result, based on agreements between Badi Right Struggle committee and Nepal government formed Badi Samsya Samadhan Ayog. It was the first government institution for Badi community. Nepal government made a ministerial decision to ban Badi women's prostitution. Nepal government failed to ensure Badi's participation in administration, military, army, legal sectors, and other opportunities.  In the absence of proper implementation of the agreement, Badi has not access employment opportunities, After the Badi women prostitution ban, Badi livelihood has worsened day by day, they were being excluded from their traditional occupation, Nepal government do not implement the agreement, only limited to paper. The rehabilitation program of the Badi community and ensure of employment program is not properly implemented. This consequence led to the serious exclusion of Badi community. 

Social Exclusion of Badi in Krishnapur Municipality

Krishnapur municipality has been made policies and programs since the elected authority for every fiscal year. Krishnapur municipality is addressing Dalit upliftment in every fiscal year but is ignoring inequality within Dalit. Badi are excluding in favor of policies and plan of Krishnapur municipality. For example, Krishnapur municipality was made policies and programs for Dalit and poor people. Common housing and residential housing was constructed for Dalit, poor and marginalized family but not categories Badi as the most excluded caste among Dalit.

This section deals with an educational exclusion, landholding size, untouchability in public spheres, participation in the local organization, and having citizenship of Badi. Ward no. 2 had made plan Raji and Baid Development Programme in 2075 B.S. 

Educational Exclusion 

Education is important for job opportunities and knowledge, which need to know access to resources. A low level of education status helps to exclude groups and individuals in all spheres. Dalit castes have  a  low level of educational status; Low level of educational status indicates educational exclusion The following table shows the educational status of Badi.

Table 1: Educational Status of Respondents Family Member

Source: Fieldwork, 2075 B.S.

Out of the total respondents, Badi females are illiterate compared to Badi males. The literacy rate of Badi is not satisfactory.  Badi illiterate people are 76.73%, which indicates the low level of educational status of Badi. Secondary level passed Badi are 2.77%, Very few percentages (0.69%) have passed Higher secondary level. There are not found any bachelor degree holder Badi. This finding hits the Nepal government's reservation policy for Dalit and women. Badi have not basic criteria of education qualification for government jobs, in this situation, Badi could not get more benefit from the reservation system. It proves the reservation policy also will exclude the Badi people. A key informant says that most of the Badi children are out of school. Now, Badi children's school enrollment is increasing with the attraction of Badi students' allowances. Drop out rate of Badi children are also high. Parents do not aware of the importance of education in their children's future. Krishnapur municipality education policy is not sufficient for Badi community so it needs to appropriate program for the improvement of Badi educational status. 

Economic Exclusion

Dalit fall in the bottom quintile of economic well-being. Hill Dalit are doing worse than the Madhesi Dalit [8].  The economic status of Badi is not well among Dalit. Most of Badi are landless. Most of Badi hold only their own house constructed land. The land is the main source of economic wellbeing in an agrarian society. But,  Badi have not to access agricultural land. The mean of the Badi landholding size is 5.32 Kattha. It is very little landholding by Badi. Some Badi have not to land registration certificates. So, they are involved in wage labor in Nepal and India. The distribution of the respondents by the landholding size has shown (Table 2).

Table 2: Distribution Of the Respondents by The Landholding Size 

Source: Fieldwork, 2075 B.S.

The Table 2 shows that Badi's landholding size is not satisfactory. Very few respondents have only owned 15 Kattha land. This landholding size is not sufficient in agricultural production, only use for house construction and kitchen garden. Krishnapur municipality has launched the river bank farming and has given priority to Dilit. Badi have not benefited from the river bank farming program.

Political Exclusion of Badi

The political representation shows the power and status of an individual. A low level of representation makes the groups and individuals powerless. Dalit representation is gradually improving after adopting an inclusive electoral policy by the Nepal government.  But Badi's representation is not well still at the local level. Only 1 person Badi is being as a general member of political parties at the local level. It means Badi have very little chance to be nominated in Dalit quota of ward member. Badi are not involved in district and province-level politics. The Table 3 shows the having participation in the local organization.

Table 3: Distribution of Respondents having Participation in Local Organizations

Source: Fieldwork, 2075 B.S. 

The majority of the respondents (69.41%) are not involved in the local organization. Badi's participation in user groups is higher than other local organizations like the saving group and forest user group. Badi's participation in the forest user group is minimal but it helps to use forest resources. It seems that they have little access to forest resources like firewood, grass, timber, herbs. The majority of Badi people have not to access the forest, saving institution shows the Badi exclusion in the local organization. Respondent reported that they are only general members of these local organizations. They also do not know decision-making processes.

Caste-Based Exclusion 

Caste-based exclusion is shown in untouchability and permission of entry in public spheres, religious places. and public place. The means of public spheres in this study are tea shops, sweet shops, meat shops, dairy, and hotels. Badi have experiences on untouchability in public spheres is shown in Table 4. 

Table 4: Distribution of The Respondents Having Faced Untouchability in Public Spheres

Source: Fieldwork, 2075 B.S. 

Out of the total respondents, Badi have faced untouchability in public spheres while have not faced untouchability in public spheres. According to Key informant, hill Brahmin and Chhetri practice untouchability more than 'Tharu and Madhesi Brahmin. Hill Brahmin and Chhetri treat as untouchable castes, do not practice sit with Badi in the tea shop. Madhesi caste groups treat discriminatory behavior to Badi as their prostitution occupation.  Hill Dalit including Kami, Sarki, Damai also has discriminated against Badi. Badi are treated as lower castes by hill Dalit. Badi have experienced less discrimination by the Madhesi Dalit. Discrimination in religious activities Dalit prohibition to enter the temple is reducing now but Badi are still prohibited to enter the local temple. Out of the total respondents, 52.94% of respondents are feeling discriminated while celebrating Gwshismaiji Mela. Badi main festival is Bhade Shankranti, which falls in Bhadra 1. This festival is not funded by the local government till now. After the migration from the Salyan,  Badi were  assimilated to  Tarai  culture  like Holi 

Purnima also are performed by Badi, Badi got permission to participate in performing Mela (ceremony) in a public place but prohibit religious performance in temple and place of god and goddess. Badi have permission to participate Maghi Parba Mela organized in a certain public place but not participate in religious activities. 

Excluded from Citizenship Certificate 

A Vital registration (statistics) as defined by the United Nations, is the continuous, permanent, compulsory, and universal recording of the occurrence and characteristics of vital events (live births, deaths, fetal deaths, marriages, and divorces) and other civil status events about the population as provided by decree, law or regulation, in accordance with the legal requirements in each country. Such data are important for the legal purpose along with school enrolment. Vital statistics is a major source of data for the study of population change because they are collected continuously. Most of the respondents reported that they do not know about vital registrations. 

The key informant said, "Our community is facing a citizenship certificate. Some women have born out the child from the illegally sexual relationship with Badi Women are facing birth registration problem. Without citizenship old age people have not taken social security allowances. My son and daughter could not obtain citizenship. Most of the women have not obtained citizenship. Unidentified the father of son cannot obtain a birth certificate and citizenship. Brith certificate is important for school enrollment and citizenship is the first step of allocation and using resources and powers."

The above statements present the Badi are facing problems from blocked of citizen rights.  Without a citizen certificate, one cannot get access of social services like jobs, land right, bank account, etc. Every opportunity and resource are far from without a citizenship certificate. It is a legal document and the national identity of the individual. A widow answered:

"I have not my citizenship certificate, I have not any land rights, after my husband's death, I went to the ward office for widow allowance. Then, the ward chairman asked to me have my citizenship certificate, but I have not citizen certificate, I do not benefit from widow allowances. This problem also will face my children; they will have not a citizen certificate. I cannot provide the citizen certificate to my children." A citizenship certificate is a fundamental right in Nepal but Badi have not to access a citizenship certificate. It seems that Badi are stateless people. They have not national identity. Without a citizenship certificate, Badi cannot get any social services and social welfare activities of the government.

Based on the above analysis, Badi are double excluded groups in Nepal and also called 'excluded of the excluded group'. Their social exclusion is historically rooted in the Nepali caste-based social hierarchical structure. Badi have group solidarity but gradually solidarity of Badi with the state deteriorated in the past is the starting point of Badi social exclusion. Caste-based discrimination is the major cause of the social exclusion of Badi. Legally, untouchability was abolished over a long time but still practice in society. Caste-based norms, values still rupture the social life of Badi. They are restricted and prohibited to participate in the public spheres, and religious places. 

Nepal is an inclusive state but Badi are still excluding at the micro-level like local level state's structures. Krishnapur municipality did not effectively implement the inclusive policies and programs. Badi are not considered as a specific group, homogenized as Dalit Group by the municipality. The low level of education status of Badi also leads to exclusion in implementing the reservation system in Nepal. The Dalit quotas are fulfilled by the other educated Dalit. The urbanization and modernization process excluded the Badi women's prostitution occupation.  The state made decisions on prostitution ban but did not provide alternative employment program leads to Badi exclusion in employment. Politically, Badi cannot nominate at the local level election, Badi are not benefited from the Dalit quota at the local level politics. Despite the inclusive government in Nepal, Badi are still living excluded life at the edge of the sword. their children have not a birth certificate, they will be excluded in education, political, administrative, social, and economic domain in near future. The local government should address Badi's problems for making an inclusive local government structure. 

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