In the most parts of the developing world, households are experiencing food insecurity [1]. Some households go without the recommended three meals a day because of food shortage. This is contrary to the food security situation to many households a few decades ago when for instance, the land sizes in possession of a households was relatively big that translated to high food quantities produced by households [2]. However, in the contemporary society, land sizes held by household, especially in Africa, are diminishing at a very high rate due to successive land sub-division and inheritance [3]. The resultant effect has been heightened food insecurity in households. Since human beings depend, among others, on food for survival, households have to devise strategies to ensure their food security. This literature review sought to document the strategies that food insecure households in the developing world are utilizing to ensure that there is food on the table and to investigate how the food security strategies adopted have influnced social life in households. Through this review, research gaps to stimulate further research will be identified so as to have a holistic conversation about household food security strategies and their influence on social life in households in poor households in the developing world. 

Review Results

Household Food Survival Strategies: Studies have shown that food insecure households adopt various survival strategies to circumvent food insecurity. To start with, literature has shown that food insecure households have resorted to purchasing food from local market.  Kabui [4] in her study “Household Food Insecurity and Coping Strategies Among Small Scale Farmers in Tharaka Central Division, Kenya”, showed that small-scale farmers mostly purchase food from markets to ensure their food security. Among the foods purchased according to this study is maize and millet. Similarly, a study by Sakyi [5] revealed that majority of households in the Limpopo Province, South Africa evade food insecurity through purchase of food from the market rather than relying on their farms. According to Sakyi, 90% of major staple food (mielies)  consumed   by  households is  sourced  from the market.  Arega [6] conducted a study on “Coping Strategies and Household Food Security in Drought-Prone Areas in Ethiopia”. The study established that the residents of Lay Gayint District in Ethiopia utilized various food access strategies. However, the most pronounced strategy, according to this study, is borrowing loans from friends and taking loans from financial institutions to purchase food from markets. But this strategy can only work when a population is composed of people of diverse social classes to make it possible for those endowed with resources to lend the poor households to meet their food requirements. In addition, loan taking for food purchase strategy may not apply to most households especially in developing countries because poor households may lack collaterals required by financial institutions to grant loans. 

Contributing to markets and household food security, Shariff and Khor [7] revealed that households in rural Malaysia utilized markets to ensure their food security. That food insecure households went to extent of borrowing money to purchase food from the market.  Similarly, Ghimire [8] while studying Household Food Security and Coping Strategies in Rural Communities in Napal, established that food insecure rural households purchased food to overcome hunger. The households according to Ghimire could take loan from financial institutions to purchase food. The studies by Shariff and Khor [7] and Ghimire [8] may suffer the same fate as study by Arega [6] on the account of collateral by poor households to access loans from financial institutions.

Cordero-Ahiman [9] in the study “Food Access and Coping Strategies Adopted by Households to Fight Hunger among Indigenous Communities of Sierra Tarahumara in Mexico”, established that the Sierra Tarahumara communities relied on markets for food. The study argued that in some occasions the households could get food on credit. However, taking food on credit as depicted by Cordero-Ahiman [9] applies to households that have steady income either from salary or agriculture and not among poor households. This will make it possible for households to pay for foods taken on credit. 

According to Owino [10] households can enhance their food security through purchase se of food from market. However, Owino cautions that a household will have food security if there is sufficient food available, necessary purchasing power or means of exchange to acquire it and if their social relationships allow them access to it within the household. Owino further notes that the purchasing power of households is increased either through gifts or family support. Thus, purchase of food from markets depends among other factors a household purchasing power. It is however, not clear whether households in the study area have the necessary purchasing power to help circumvent food insecurity stemming from uncontrolled land sub-division and resulting from hunger. 

Contributing to household food security debate, Nzuma and Ochola [11] argued that food purchase is among household food survival mechanisms that households employ to avert food insecurity. The authors specifically posited that the main source of food for households without land is through purchase. This means that food purchase constitutes among other food survival strategies that households utilize to avert hunger. However, according to Nzuma and Ochola [11] this strategy is for households without land but in most parts of the developing world, most poor households have relatively small land sizes, owing to among other factors, to the continued generational practice of land inheritance, the question begs, do such households utilize food purchase as food survival strategy ?

Apart from purchasing food, some studies have documented that hunger struck households overcome food insecurity through relief food provided by either governments and/or non-governmental organizations. A study conducted by Kabui [4] pointed out that 55.3% of households in Tharaka Central Division rely on relief food. The food (maize) is provided by faith-based organizations notably Catholic Relief Services and Plan International. The findings concurred with a study by Farzana et al. [12] who established that households with food insecurity in Bangladesh opted for relief food from various safety net programs involving government and nonprofit making organizations. Similarly, a study by Uddin [13] on “Household Food Security Status of Marginal Farmers in Selected Storm Surge Prone Coastal Area of Bangladesh” revealed that marginal farmers opted for relief food to circumvent food insecurity. Further, Gundersen and Ziliak [14] in their study on Childhood Food Insecurity in the US established that food insecure households resort to social safety-net programs to overcome hunger.

Further, Elmerinda [15] in his study “Coping Strategies and Household Resilience to Food Insecurity in Chamwino and Manyoni Districts, Tanzania” established that food insecure households relied on food aid to circumvent hunger. The study contends that the households depended on food from the government and non-governmental organizations to avert hunger. This food survival strategy happens to work well in many developing countries because in most cases when households are in acute food insecurity, relief food by government, well-wishers, companies and faith-based organizations among other international agencies is distributed. 

The safety nets as documented by Farzana et al. [12], Uddin [13] and Gundersen and Ziliak [14] illustrates the survival tactic employed in advanced countries to avert hunger among households while relief food as pointed out by Kabui [4]  and Elmerinda [15] applies to a survival tactic utilized by government and non-governmental organizations to address hunger among households in developing countries. The lingering question is, is relief food a viable strategy in addressing food insecurity among poor households in developing countries

Social networks have also featured in the list of food survival strategies by households. Uddin [13] established that the marginal farmers in storm surge prone Coastal area of Bangladesh access food through social networks. This implies that the households are at apposition to get food assistance from relatives, friends and informal networks created at work place or from religious institutions. Although this tactic existed in pre-industrial African society, there has been social change resulting from reduced farm production, capitalism and decline in the worth of extended families. Thus, relying on social networks in the 21^st century may be a toll order. This is because in some parts of the developing world are experiencing abridged farm sizes that have resulted into household food insecurity. Thus, it is difficult for households to access food via social networks since households may be food secure. 

A study by Sarkar and Shekhar [16] on Household Food Insecurity and Coping Strategies revealed that food insecure households in a rural community in West Bengal, survived on food borrowed from relatives. The study established that households could reach their relatives for food to circumvent hunger. However, the study did not document whether the borrowed food is refunded after normalcy of the food security situation or it is given on humanitarian grounds with no refunding plans in place. In addition, this food survival strategy is applicable in circumstances where some segment of the population is food secure and thus can help food insecure households to overcome hunger. 

A study undertaken by Ndeyapo [17] established that households in informal settlements of Windhoek, Namibia used “food sharing with neighbours” as a food survival strategy. The study claimed that sharing of food with neighbours and consumption of food provided by neighbours were the common strategies utilized by households to overawe hunger. The findings of this study may not apply to the food insecurity situation in remote areas. This is because Ndeyapo’s [17] study was undertaken in the informal settlement in the capital city of Namibia and it will be imperative for a study to establish whether the same applies to food insecure households in rural areas. 

According to Messele [18] social networks form a crucial leeway for food insecure households to access food. This study established that households in the Woreda 01 in Gullelle Sub-City, Addis Ababa, utilized social networks especially neighbours to acquire food to circumvent food insecurity. The study maintained that some households went to the extent of sending children to eat with neighbours when available food was not enough for the neghbours to share. However, this strategy fits an urban setting that provided a close proximity for interaction of neighbours, is it applicable in a rural setting? 

Contributing to social networks and household food security debate, Kimani-Murage et al. [19] established that hunger-struck households in Kenya’s urban slums resort to streets dust bins for food. That hunger drive people to turn to foods thrown in the dust bins in urban area to circumvent hunger. However, this food survival strategy is applicable in big towns and cities because this is where dust bins are and where people are more likely to throw left over foods or bad foods in the bins. 

The findings of Tawodzera [20] were not different from the findings of other scholars on social networks and household food security. Studying on the “Urban Household Survival and Resilience to Food Insecurity in Crisis Conditions” in Epworth, Harare, Zimbabwe, Tawodzera established that households in the urban area maintained close social relations with households in the rural areas for purposes of food assistance. That households in the urban area acquired food from rural households to aid them tackle food insecurity. 

A study conducted by Bushara and Ibrahim [21] on Food Security Status for the Household, established that households in Al-Qadarif State, Sudan, borrowed in their social network to promote their food security. The households relied on others households that were food secure for food. This strategy according to Bushara and Ibrahim [21] to a greater extent cushioned household in the state from food insecurity.  Although this strategy worked well in Al-Qadarif State, Sudan, it was unlikely to apply in situations where food insecurity is a norm for all households. 

In studying “Household Food Insecurity and Coping Strategies in a Poor Rural Community in Malaysia”, Shariff and Khor [7] established that food insecure households received foods from their family members, relatives and neighbours. The food aid from these social networks helped food insecure households to attain some form of food security. This strategy is more applicable in situations whereby only a handful families are food insecure. However, in a situation where every household is grilling with food insecurity, it is impossible for food insecure households to have regular access to foods from such social networks. 

Dunga and Dunga [22] in their study “Coping Strategies Among the Food-Insecure Household in Malawi” established that the female and male-headed households in South Eastern of Malawi ensured their food security by borrowing from social networks. The food insecure households had to survive on food assistance from neighbours, family members and friends. The findings of this study show the place of social networks in promoting household food security among households. 

Additionally, studies have also indicated that food insecure households utilize begging as a food survival strategy. For instance, Uddin [13] established that food insecure households in the coastal areas of Bangladesh use begging has a strategy to access food. However, it is not clear where begging take place: is it in the streets, homes or in markets? 

A study by Messele [18] revealed that begging was among food survival strategies that households in Woreda 01 in Gullelle Sub-City, Addis Ababa utilized to ensure their food security. The study contends that the households sent their household members to beg for food. The study maintains that this strategy worked well in the study area to the extent of reducing the incidences of food insecurity among the households in Gullelle Sub-City. Although begging as household food survival strategy worked well in the households, the results can be different for households in other areas. 

Furthermore, available literature has shown that food insecure households have adopted a strategy of consuming wild uncultivated food to circumvent food insecurity. A study undertaken by Uddin [13] established that households in the coastal region in Bangledish adopted gathering strategies to access food. They consumed wild fruits to circumvent food insecurity. The findings concur with a study by Liru [23] which revealed that women in Malava Constituency in Kenya resorted to wild vegetables as a tactic to circumvent food insecurity.  This tactic can be applicable in areas with natural forest cover. However, in regions with limited land and forests this strategy is likely to fail. 

Contributing to the debate on wild foods and household food security, Kruger et al. [24] established that farm-worker households in South Africa relied on wild foods to cushion them from food insecurity. The households ate wild fruits and herbs to fill their stomachs. However, this strategy (gathering) applies best in forest regions with abundant wild fruits like guavas, bellies etc that can be consumed by hunger struck people. 

Studies have also shown that households have utilized cultivation of short duration crops as a survival tactic by households to ensure food security. Planting of short-term crops like legumes, vegetables, potatoes etc as opposed to long duration crops such as corn and harrow roots among others can help households have continuous food supply. This tactic was established in a study by Uddin [13] who argued that small scale farmers used the method to circumvent food insecurity. This finding concurs with a study by Liru  that established that the desire to overcome food insecurity saw women grow short term food crops. However, food consumption traditions may make adoption of the tactic (engaging in short term crops farming) in some parts of the world difficult. 

A study by Echebiri et al. [25] revealed that crop farming still remains the main source of food for households in Abia State in Nigeria. According to this study, although households in Abia State have diversified food survival strategies, households depended on their land for food. However, the finding may not apply to the current study area. This is because land owned by households in Abia State maybe large enough to warranty households adequate food production for domestic consumption. 

Kassie et al. [26] in their study “What Determines Gender Inequality in Household Food Security in Kenya? Application of Exogenous Switching Treatment Regression” established that farming is the prominent food survival strategy utilized by households to access food for domestic consumption. That households rely on their lands to produce their own food to overcome food insecurity. Although the study focused on Kenya, various regions of the country have varied degrees of food insecurity and climatic conditions.

A study conducted by Elmerinda [15] revealed that farming was the main household food survival strategy for households in Chamwino and Manyoni Districts in Tanzania. The study argued that through crop diversification, households were at a position to acquire food to deal with their food insecurity situation. The findings indicate that growing various types of crops increased households’ chances of food security. However, this household food survival strategy is appropriate when households possess big land sizes that can support production of sufficient food for domestic consumption and even sale of surplus. In land limited regions, studies have shown that households often resort to leasing of land for purposes of growing food. They lease land from persons with enormous land to grow food. A study undertaken by Kazal, Villinueva, Hossain and Das [27] revealed that 30% of households in Haor area in Bangladesh utilized leased land to grow crops that greatly fostered food security. This tactic is fundamental in addressing food insecurity phenomenon in land limited regions. However, with diminishing of land acreage in most parts of the developing world, where can households get land to lease/rent? 

From the literature reviewed above, households adopt various food survival strategies to circumvent food insecurity. However, the analyzed survival strategies relate to the general food insecurity without due consideration to the genesis of the food insecurity. This is because food insecurity can stem from among others prolonged drought, poor food distribution systems, poor farming methods and reduced farm sizes. There is need for literature on the food survival strategies utilized by household to circumvent hunger resulting from dwindling land acreage orchestrated by uncontrolled land sub-division and generational land inheritance witnessed in various parts of Africa and other regions in the world. There is also need for literature on the challenges households with limited land face in their attempts to be food secure.

Household Food Survival Strategies and Social life in Households

In human societies, changes are continuous because of social interaction and relations. Introduction of any intervention, policy or change results to the transformation of a social, cultural, economic or political dimension of a society. Food survival strategies adopted by households have influnced social life in households. This section explores literature on how household food survival strategies have influnced social life in households.

Hamelin, Habicht and Beaudry [28] in their study, Food Insecurity: Consequences for the Household and Broader Social Implications, revealed that the psychological manifestations related to a lack of access to food were leading to a clear feeling of being constrained to go against held norms and values, as well as creating enormous stress in the home among the French-speaking households in urban and rural areas in and around Que´bec City. Based on results of this study, it is evident that food insecurity and resultant household food survival strategies have a social implication on the behavior change and violation of norms. Suh violation of norms in this case may include stealing, poaching animals, among other deviant behavior in food security journey. Further Hamelin, Habicht and Beaudry [28] established that low wage workers had to overcome their own prejudice if their families were to be fed. They acknowledged to resorting to illegal means to access food. They had tendency to adapt in the long run to “unusual” means of food acquisition does not preclude the fact that most respondents of food-insecure households found it abnormal not to be able to feed their family adequately with current income. In addition, Hamelin, Habicht and Beaudry [28] established that food insecurity in households at Que´bec City disrupted household dynamics as well as distorted means of food acquisition and management. That meals were no longer a happy gathering opportunity for the family.  However, the study failed to document other household dynamics with regard to households’ struggle to attain food security apart from the effect on the family gatherings and sharing of meals hence need for the current study to unearth other households dynamics changing stemming from the households’’ pursuant for food security. 

McDoniel conducted a study on Food Insecurity and Felonious or Misdemeanor Juvenile Crimes in Arkansas, Colorado, Florida, Georgia, Kansas, New Jersey, and Oklahoma. Using quantitative approach, the study established that food insecure juveniles who committed misdemeanors comprised 2.41%. The norm violation acts were necessitated by need to overcome hunger. This study provided evidence that food insecure juveniles resulted into illegal activities to acquire food. As much as the study is fundamental in food insecurity and crime, the study focused on how food insecurity contributes to juvenile felonies but not on the social implications of food security survival strategies adopted by households hence need for this study.

According to Brinkman and Hendrix [29] in their work “Food Insecurity and Violent Conflicts: Causes, Consequences and Addressing the Challenges”, food prices have historically resulted into violent riots in most developing countries. The authors give an example of Protests and rioting occurred in response to sharp increases in world food prices in the 1970s and 1980s. That higher world food prices for the three main staple grains (wheat, rice and maize) to more numerous protests and riots in developing countries especially in the Arabs region and North Africa in the recent past. This implies that food insecure households result to markets for food and that increase in food prices can easily lead to protests and riots in societies. However, it may not be possible for high prices for food items to instigate riots and protests (conflicts) among households in the study area since there might be other food alternatives because of favorable climatic conditions. 

Change in gender roles in household food provision is a social implication in the household food security arena documented in literature. This is because in African society, it is the duty of a household head (man) to provide for the household. Nyamwanji [30] in her study the Effect of Intra-Households Social life on Household’s Food Security in Chamwino District, Dodoma region, Tanzania established that households in which women did not take part in decision making about income and food management were more vulnerable to food insecurity because men were not concerned much about household food requirements. This implies that the responsibility for providing for the family lies in the domain of men but it is imperative for women to participate in food management as well as income planning if a household is to be food secure. Similarly, FAO [31] argues that within households, men are considered as principal decision makers while women hold a subordinate position in negotiation about managing family resources including those related to ensuring household food security. In addition, as pointed out by FAO [31], in many African societies, the role of the husband is to manage the granary of household whereas the wife oversees the kitchen. This implies that decisions of food production and storage is task for a man. In addition, Ishengoma argued that women play a big role in household food production but cannot make decision on different production activities a phenomenon that contributes to household food insecurity. Thus, there is need for literature on how household food survival strategies have influnced gender roles in food insecure households, that is, whether women in such households are currently involved in household provision, a role that has been played by men since the traditional African society.

Lamerz et al. [32] in their study “Social class, parental education, and obesity prevalence in a study of six-year-old children in Germany” have argued that food insecurity and household food survival strategies can affect social cohesion within a community. That food deserts and communities of persistent poverty have lower rates of indicators that “add value” to a community. This implies that household food survival strategies can inhibit social interaction and cohesion in the community. This study focused on household food survival strategies and community cohesion and the findings may not apply to the current study since the focus is on household food survival strategies and social cohesion within the wider family.

Nanama and Frongillo [33] conducted a study entitled “Altered social cohesion and adverse psychological experiences with chronic food insecurity in the non-market economy and complex households of Burkina Faso”. They began by arguing that social breakdown in households due to food insecurity has been shown to cause problems worldwide. The study established that households in Burkina Faso that applied farming as food survival strategy during harvest seasons, because of low farm production, they experienced large changes in attitude towards members of their immediate community as well as latent psychological effects. The study revealed that 4 of the 10 heads of households surveyed felt guilty and alienated because they were “not able to provide for their family” as well as ashamed when they were forced to borrow food from their neighbor. In addition, the study established that unviable household food survival strategies, (for instance purchase of food from markets when there are no funds) leave heads of households irritable and occasionally aggressive towards other members of their household, including children. Deterioration of intra-household relationships led to breakdown of social cohesion within families that ultimately effected the way that they interacted with their neighbors and surrounding communal groups. If these findings apply in households in other parts of the developing world, requires a study. According to Chung et al. [34], in the study entitled, “Linking Neighborhood Characteristics to Food Insecurity in Older Adults: The Role of Perceived Safety, Social Cohesion, and Walkability” established that the effect of food insecurity and its mitigating strategies creates changes in one’s psychosocial makeup, interactions within their community and household and ability to build a support network. Those who reside in food insecure households or expansive food deserts exhibit increased feelings of alienation, resulting in isolation and diminishing frequency of interaction with their community. This affects social cohesion within and outside a household.

A study by Alaimo et al. [35] established that in pursuit for food security households’ heads invests a majority of their available time into survival at a basic level, which severely impacts their health, levels of stress, and mindset. Household heads puts more of their time into feeding their family and running their household through either engagement in farming or working to earn a living that can see a household secure food from markets. The fundamental question is, do food survival strategies by food insecure households the developing world utilizing much of their (households) time in ensuring food security leading to high level of stress and deteriorating health? 

In sum, there is scanty literature on the social implications of food survival strategies adopted by households to circumvent hunger. Available literature has documented that food insecurity and inability of households to access food through the socially approved means among them purchase from market, has resulted to violation of norms and values with felonies reported being among such violations. In addition, studies have also shown that the need to meet food requirements in the households has resulted in change in roles in household provision where women have joined hands with their husbands to provide for the family. Thus, there is change in gender roles in the context of household provision where women are taking over the roles traditionally played by men. Some studied have documented that food survival strategies adopted by households have resulted to stress among household heads as well as strained relationships in households and in neighborhood. However, it is not clear whether household food security strategies have had the same social implications among food insecure households in the developing world. Thus, there is need for research to fill this gap.

Available literature on food survival strategies have shown that households adopt various survival strategies to address food insecurity. Such strategies include purchasing food from market, begging, consumption of wild food, cultivation of short duration crops, renting land for food production purposes as well as reliance on relief food and safety nets and social networks for food. However, such strategies have influenced social life in households. Inability of households to access food through socially approved means among them purchase of food from market, has resulted to violation of norms and values with felonies, change in roles in household provision where women have joined hands with their husbands to provide for the family, stress among household heads as well as strained relationships in households and in neighborhood are the social implications of food survival strategies utilized by households to circumvent hunger.

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