The aim of this paper is to examine how peace and citizenship education is understood and contested in the North West Region of Cameroon as communities compete for political recognition and economic benefits. The basic assumption is that there exists no genuine political institutional framework that articulates the popular aspirations and celebrates personal competence and contribution in the building of one Cameroon. This engenders the contestation of citizenship along linguistic, ethnic and regional lines expressed through various forms of voluntary associations. When Cameroon gained independence and reunification in 1960 and 1961 respectively, little feasibility was paid to the background of the indigenous peoples, hence the new country plunged headlong uncritically in the process of building a “nation-state” along the same lines like in Western Europe and North America between the 17th and 19th centuries. 

Consequently, the indigenous structural factors such as the economy, family and kinship, social and political organization, belief system amongst others of the indigenous peoples, which ought to have been investigated, understood and strengthened as the basis for orientation towards nation-building, were ignored [1]. Hence, an uncritical adoption of Western structures has not quite taken root as the indigenous ones still persist. Today, what is referred to as Cameroon is a fragmentation of communities, with each one of them still holding on to its ethnic identity, united only by ethnic ambition and difference. This plays an influential role in the understanding of peace, citizenship and definition of national identity, therefore, serving as the basis for the creation of ethnic, social and regional associations as means of articulating the aspirations of civil society groupings through which fellow Cameroonians who do not belong are discriminated against, described as “settlers” and then, excluded from participation. This tends to undermine the very basis of a collective belonging in a contemporary state system. Furthermore, post-colonial Cameroon is not only made up of a plurality of ethnic entities; it is also a bilingual country where two European languages, French and English, said to be officially in use, are cohabiting uneasily [2]. This uneasy cohabitation of a colonial heritage coupled with the multi-ethnic heritage, creates a situation of ambiguity, which further obfuscates the understanding of citizenship and identity in Cameroon, giving rise to the politics of “settlers” versus “indigenes” in the struggle for belonging. 

The task will be to critically examine these issues from a historical perspective so as to vividly guarantee to the general public on how peace and citizenship education is taught and understood in the North West Region of Cameroon. The argument we wish to make here is that the concept of identity fluctuates as people assert both similarity and difference from each other with differing political processes. We attribute this to the complex pre-colonial historical process, which resulted in the configuration of the area and the character of colonial policies, which both pretended to take into account local realities and brutally ignored these when they did not tie in with metropolitan interests. The data we used are both primary and secondary ones complemented with interviews we conducted in the area under study.

Conceptual Clarification

The concepts explored in this paper needs to be clarified vis-à-vis the context of their usage and a better understanding of this paper. 

Peace 

The concept of peace lends itself to several interpretations and definitions, which cannot be exhaustively discussed here. Ordinarily, peace means the absence of conflict or violence at a particular time and place. It evokes the climate of freedom from fear, intimidation and harassment, oppression and brutalisation by external forces or agents. Rousseau’s position that peace implies the original state of existence in which man was born as “a free gentle savage”-“a state of nature”, is synonymous with a state of ignorance [3]. For Thomas Hobbes, this “state of nature” was marred by frequent conflict and violence, which rendered life “solitary, poor, nasty, brutish and short”. In order to avoid this ugly situation, men decided to surrender their rights to an overriding force, and thereby created a “social contract” for a more peaceful and orderly life. Plato, from the social context perspective, argues that justice is the fulcrum of ordered social life. In other words, where justice reigns, social order and harmony will prevail, while conflict and violence will be minimal, thereby giving room for both human and material resources development through formal educational activities. Hence, the presence of conflict and violence in any society necessitates peace education. According to Hizkias Assefa, this concept of peace implies the maintenance of law and order and the pursuit of stability, and a relatively safe social and political order. In the understanding of peace, the presence of a relatively small amount of visible violence in society provides an indicator of successful peace and peacemaking. Police forces, courts, and prison systems are usually the instruments used to bring about and enforce this type of peace in the domestic arena. Internationally, the equivalent concepts include balance of power, nuclear deterrence, and hierarchical power structures in which the bigger and more powerful states become the arbiters or policemen of global affairs. However, this approach to peace has been characterised as negative peace since its focus is on the absence of violence conflict and war. 

From public opinion in the area under study, peace is viewed as a condition of tranquillity where there is no disagreement or disputes, where conflicts are banished, and people, individually and collectively, live in calm and serenity. A major shortcoming of this conception of peace is its failure to recognise conflict as a fact of life. Instead of acknowledging its existence and learning to use appropriate mechanisms to deal with it, this notion of peace can lead people into the misguided perception that if you avoid conflict, it will go away. 

In this paper, Peace is a situation where people, in whatever environment, show love, caring for one another, feeling of belonging, interest, politeness, honesty, sharing and working together for the welfare of all. Peace is about relationships between people and; if we are to strengthen peace in Cameroon, we need to work on building positive relationships which encourage cooperation between people. In a peaceful situation, there is no fighting, no malice, no misbehaviour, no abusive language; people work together for progress of the group and conflict is managed in constructive and non-violent ways. 

Peace Education

Nwafor further explained that, Peace education, in essence, implies efforts to promote peace, especially in conflict or violence ridden areas through educational activities. There is no consensus among scholars as to what peace education means. As a result, the lack of conceptual clarity impedes educational attempts to promote peace. In this regard, he states that: “There is no uniform concept of peace education and the international discourse on this topic is still in its infancy.” He further posits that for a shared and clearer understanding to be achieved, the various socio-economic and political, historical and cultural contexts must be taken into account. This is because since after World War II, many educators have made spirited efforts to establish a humanistic theory and practice of peace education, but without success [4]. This stems from the fact that different regions of the world place different emphasis on peace education programmes. 

From the UNESCO’s declaration, Peace Education is used as an umbrella term for programs that convey education for peace and conflict prevention. Several converging definitions of Peace Education in this mapping have been taken into account: the one from the International Network for Education in Emergencies (INEE), UNESCO’s Declaration and Programme of Action on a Culture of Peace: “The Culture of Peace is a set of values, attitudes, modes of behaviour and ways of life that reject violence and prevent conflicts by tackling their root causes to solve problems through dialogue and negotiation among individuals, groups and nations” and the definition developed by Susan Fountain for the United Nations Children’s Fund (UNICEF): “The process of promoting the knowledge, skills, attitudes and values needed to bring about behavior changes that will enable children, youth and adults to prevent conflict and violence, both overt and structural; to resolve conflict peacefully; and to create the conditions conducive to peace, whether at an intrapersonal, interpersonal, intergroup, national or international level.” [5]

In this work, Peace education therefore aims at ameliorating the escalating level of violence in various forms so that individuals can live and work in a relatively peaceful atmosphere that could ultimately engender “a global culture of peace”. Primarily, peace education intends to develop in the individual skills, attitudes, and knowledge with cooperative and participatory learning methods and an environment of tolerance, care and respects. Where the contents of peace education are inculcated in and imbibed as well as are practised by the individuals, there will be appreciable level of development. In other words, a situation where there is social justice, equity, gender equality, and amelioration of poverty, development would be facilitated. 

Citizenship

Citizenship is synonymous to nationality. According to Anumba, it refers to a person belonging to a country or nation. There is the need to teach citizens of this great nation that nationalist activities, particularly before independence, need not be neglected, but imitated and continued. To her, the ways of life that seems to be valued today in our society: armed robbery, swindling, advanced freed fraud, looting of public treasuries, corruption and most recently kidnapping and suicide bombing are opposed to the spirit of nationalism. Unpatriotic citizens or those ignorant of citizenship education think that the struggle for our independence has ended with the nationalists achieving our freedom from foreign rule. They only achieved weak political independence which has been marred by mismanagement. Furthermore, the understanding of citizens that the mismanagement of state resources directly impacts on their individual economy will be the first outcome of their fight which will change the face of governance and grow democracy in the right direction. But, it is our view that without concrete citizenship education, such understanding will still leave much to be desired, and as such not change the face of governance from and in the right direction.

Citizenship in this paper is more of an administrative term derived from the western civilisation acknowledging the rights and obligations of any individual belonging to a particular nation or country. In Cameroon, citizenship can be acquired: by birth, by registration, by naturalization, by conquest, by Government concession or conferment. However, the idea of citizenship had often given rise to the concept of civil rights as examined in the American society and in some part of the world.

Civil Rights

Civil rights and civil liberties often mean the same thing. The words are frequently used interchangeably to signify the protection of rights to liberty and equality under the Constitution, such as freedom of speech, protection against unreasonable searches and seizures, and the right to due process of law. The term Civil Rights, is also used to refer to positive actions by the government to protect or extend the rights of people, to provide for individuals or groups opportunities that were previously denied to them. These kinds of civil rights guarantees usually are provided through statutes, such as the Civil Rights Act of 1964 in America, which gives the federal government the power to prevent an employer from denying a job to someone because of the person’s race, gender, religion, or ethnicity. Civil rights movements are organized efforts to obtain long-denied constitutional rights for individuals and groups such as African-Americans, Hispanics, Native Americans, and women. These segments of the American population have not always enjoyed their full rights of citizenship under the U.S. Constitution [6].

From the Columbia Encyclopaedia, Civil rights are the protection and privileges of personal power given to all citizens by law. Civil rights are distinguished from “human rights” or “natural rights”. Civil rights are rights that are bestowed by nations on those within their territorial boundaries, while natural or human rights are rights that many scholars claim that individuals have by nature of being born. Others have argued that people acquire rights as an inalienable gift from a deity (such as God) or at a time of nature before governments were formed.

Laws guaranteeing civil rights may be written down, derived from custom or implied. In the United States and most continental European countries, civil rights laws are most often written. Examples of civil rights and liberties include the right to get redress if injured by another, the right to privacy, the right of peaceful protest, the right to a fair investigation and trial if suspected of a crime, and more generally-based constitutional rights such as the right to vote, the right to personal freedom, the right to freedom of movement and the right to equal protection. As civilizations emerged and formalized through written constitutions, some of the more important civil rights were granted to citizens. When those grants were later found inadequate, civil rights movements emerged as the vehicle for claiming more equal protection for all citizens and advocating new laws to restrict the effect of current discriminations [7].

In line with the above concepts and definitions, Civil rights in this paper refer to the equal treatment of all citizens irrespective of race, sex, or other class or it refers to laws which invoke claims of positive liberty. All persons shall be entitled to the full and equal enjoyment of the goods, services, facilities, privileges, advantages, and accommodations of any place of public accommodation, as defined in this section, without discrimination or segregation on the ground of race, colour, religion, or national origin. 

National Unity and National Integration

National Unity is a type of government formed by a group of parties generally during times of emergency. These are said to be unified by a love of country rather than by political affiliation. We usually think of national unity as a political construct that reflects the collective spirit and will of a group of people who agree to be part of particular geographical area as a unit, for the purpose of governance and action on behalf of all. But sometimes the governance does not reflect the spirit and will of the people. Hence we have democracies and dictatorships [8].

Similarly, National unity is a type of coalition government, which means that parliamentary parties or cabinets are working together in order to achieve an outcome. This type of government is usually formed during times of difficulty, such as during wars or when there are economic problems. A national unity government means that all or most of the parties in the government are working together. This is done in times of difficulty to demonstrate political legitimacy, which means that decisions made by the government have to be approved by a number of people with different backgrounds [9].

Despite the term is frequently used in politics, there’s no that uniform definition. But in our context, National unity is the situation where most of the population of a country have a common understanding on the basic targets for their country, consistent with their basic legal structure (constitution, charts, and codices) and try to act in consequence, for the better of the country.

On the other hand and according to Rubin, there is no clear definition of Integration as Integration means very different things as such, Social integration can be seen as a dynamic and structured process in which all members participate in dialogue to achieve and maintain peaceful social relations. Social integration does not mean forced assimilation. Social integration is focused on the need to move toward a safe, stable and just society by mending conditions of social disintegration and social exclusion social fragmentation, exclusion and polarization; and by expanding and strengthening conditions of social integration towards peaceful social relations of coexistence, collaboration and cohesion. He furthermore explains that, integration is a process, not a result. A person is not integrated, but takes part in an integration process. The whole society takes part of the process. Integration is a matter of achieving peaceful social relations, and not a matter of assimilation. Integration is not limited to immigrants but to all sector of a society [10]. 

In our context, National Integration is a positive aspect that reduces socio-cultural and economic differences or inequalities and strengthens national unity and solidarity, which is not imposed by any authority. The difference between Unity and Integrity is that Unity is (uncountable) oneness; the state or fact of being one undivided entity while Integrity on the other hand, is more to do with the a moral or ethical code. It can refer to a person being complete or pure. It usually refers to soundness of one’s character. Resulting from our findings, National Unity and National Integration encourages people to share ideas, values and emotional bonds. It is felling of unity within diversity like the case in Cameroon. National identity is supreme. Cultural unity, constitution, territorial continuity, common economic problems, art, literature, national festivals, national flag, nationa anthem and national emblem amongst others promote national integration. 

The Geographical/Historical Background of the Study 

The North West Region of Cameroon lies between longitudes 9°45’ and 11°10’ and 7°30’ north of the Equator. It is flanked to the north by the Adamawa and the Taraba State of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, to the west and south west by the Manyu Division of the South West Region, on the south and south west by the Bamboutous and Noun Divisions of the West Region, and on the east by the Mayo Banyo Division of the Adamawa Region of Cameroon. The region possesses seven Administrative Divisions, namely Boyo, Bui, Donga-Mantung, Menchum, Mezam, Momo and Ngoketunjia Divisions of which all derive their names from some prominent geographical features of the region. The region is made up of 31 Sub-divisions and 31 rural and 2 urban areas.According to the 1987 population census, the North West Region had an estimated population of about 1,238,348 inhabitants, which of course, increased to about 1,728,953 inhabitants in 2005. According to T. Brinkhoff, the North West Region is the fifth most populous region of Cameroon behind the Far North, Centre, Littoral and Western Regions. The North West Region covers an area of about 17,510 square kilometres. Historically, the population of the North West Region is a conglomerate of many ethnic groups, comprising tribes and a significant proportion of immigrants from other regions and foreign places, particularly Nigeria with whom the region shares boundary on the north and north-west. In this light, migration and early peopling in the region influenced inter-community conflicts before and during colonial periods. The people of North West Region, according to the 1987 national population census, have the highest number of ethnic groups in Cameroon estimated at 51. They occupied the area at different historical intervals. The main ethnic groups are the Tikar or Tikari, the Widikum, the Chamba, the Aghems and other small recently migrated groups such as the Hausa, the Fulani/Mbororo, Ibo, Kassimbela, Yukums and Faru-Awa among others. Table 1 presents the main ethnic composition of the Region. Note: According to this table, most of the villages in the North West Region belong to the Tikar (Tikari) ethnic group. Villages belonging to this ethnic group have spread across different divisions of the region. Divisions like Boyo, Donga Mantung and Bui are mostly inhabited by people of this group. Generally speaking, the establishment of diplomatic networks built on Kinship marriage, alliances and friendship were predominant elements in the years leading up to European arrival. The Kinship system of the area was mostly patrilineal except for Kom, Aghem, Bafmenn, Kuk and Kung of the Fungom area which were matrilineal. Following their political systems, the Tikars and Chamba are characterised by centralized structures under the rule of powerful kings or Fons. Meanwhile, the Widikum were marked by decentralized or segmentory political systems. Here, power is diffused among clan elders. Generally, chiefs are granted precedence over commoners.

Table 1: Main Ethnic Composition in the North West Region, Cameroon 

Source: Nkwi P.N., Traditional Diplomacy: A study of Inter-chiefdom Relations in the Western Grassfields, North West Province of Cameroon, Publication of the department of Sociology, University of Yaounde, Yaounde, 1987, p.15. 

The History of Conflict in the North West Region 

Conflict is a phenomenon characteristic of all human societies throughout the various historical epochs. In Africa in general and in the North West Region of Cameroon in particular, the situation seems endemic, considering the fact that conflict is very recurrent and affects most communities especially since independence. The situation becomes more serious in the North West Region since the early 1990s with the advent of multi-party politics in Cameroon [11].

The types of conflicts in the North West Region could broadly be divided into inter-state and intra-state conflicts, though these were not necessarily exclusive categories. Conflicts such as ideological (Religious or Political) cut across these categories. In this regard, one can list some outstanding categories of conflicts experienced in this study local as thus: Land/boundary conflict; Religious conflict; Farmer/grazier conflict; State-civilian conflict and Chieftaincy conflict. 

It should however be noted that each of the above conflicts has its roots and varying forms of manifestations within the study local. 

Many African writers always point fingers at colonialists as the major promoters of conflicts in Africa in general and in the study area in particular. In this case, the most important fact that characterised the colonial period in the North West Region was an attempt by the British colonial administration to extend Bafut hegemony over surrounding communities which were not only geographically contiguous but also historically related. Although the colonialists were initially cautious about the effects of this policy especially as it had proven disastrous in the case of Bali and the Germans, they obstinately implemented it. This resulted in the protracted resistance from the Kedjom Keku Fons. This process of extension of hegemony and a counter hegemonic drive continued right into the postcolonial period.

This constant remodelling is proof of the uneasy relations that continued to characterise an administrative unit, which was built on a shaky theory of ethnicity. This uneasiness is most evident in the conflicts over community boundaries. Apart from the communities of Kedjom Keku and Bafut, which have continued to maintain a principle of “no-boundary”, which enables farmers from their communities to farm across natural boundaries, almost all the other boundaries have been characterised by conflicts. One can identify the Bambui-Kedjom Keku conflict of the 1950s, the conflict between Bambili-Babanki Tungoh Kedjom Ketinguh and the Bambili-Nkwen conflict. Competition over the Bambui-Bambili boundary is a latent issue. These conflicts are proof as well of the shaky nature of inter-chiefdom relations as well as the fragility of pre-colonial boundaries which demographic pressure is bringing into focus. Beyond the issue of boundaries, the heads of the communities have continued to compete over issues of procedure and protocol. In the Tubah district, the Presidency of the customary court, which was delegated to the Fon of Bafut, later to the Fon of Kedjom Keku when Bafut was carved to a separate unit, engineered the other three Fons to fervently contest this chairmanship position [12].

In a nutshell, the colonial legacy of divide and rule, struggle over land resources complications, agricultural/grazier intransigence, rapid population expansion, greed, avarice, inter-tribal intolerance all enveloped by the government, has occasioned inter-ethnic strife to an alarming rate in the North West Region. These factors have either collectively or individually been responsible for the 1990s State Civilian conflict in the region, Babanki-Bambui differences, the Bambui-Fingieh disturbance, the Bali Nyonga-Bawock conflict, the Bali Nyonga-Muko’oh strife, the Abebong-Angong confrontation, Babanki-Fulani graziers conflicts, the Oku-Mbesa conflict, Balikumbat-Bafanji strife, to name just these. Nevertheless, a good number of Non-Governmental Organisations (NGOs) working for peace and human rights advocacy mentioned in Table 2 had tried on their ways to build a seat of concord when some of these conflicts come to be.

Table 2: Some NGOs involved in Peace and Citizenship Activities in the Region

 Source: Author’s collection from the North West Province (Region), October 2008.

The Extent to which Peace Education is taught in the North West Region 

In line with data collected in the area under study, we came to conclude that peace education in many of the institutions in the Anglophone sub-educational system is not taught as an independent subject unlike the cases of other subjects such as, Geography, Mathematics, Home Economics, History, Biology, Physics, Chemistry, English and French languages, Economics, Literature just to name these. In the French sub-educational system, peace education is less taught unlike citizenship education, but it falls within the framework of the teaching programs. In this wise, peace education is handed as a branch in citizenship otherwise known as l’éducation a la citoyenneté. In this context, this section of education is taught from form one up to lower sixth. The evaluation of the above subject is unlike any other subject mentioned above. The coefficients are the same where most of them are graded on coefficient 03 in the junior classes and coefficient 04 in the higher school classes. But the major problem here is that of the teaching staffs and the availability of documentations to ease the studies.

In the English institutions visited in the region, the notion of peace education is in principle for some of our informants in the field had difficulties in establishing a clear distinction between peace and citizenship education. During our research, one provincial pedagogy inspector of citizenship education highlighted that: 

let the decision makers acknowledge the teaching of the above subject by training competent staffs before dreaming to have an implementation phase of peace education on the various secondary schools in the region at large [13].

From the above findings, it should not be an overstatement to remark that peace education teaching is still lacking in the English curriculum content comparatively to that of the French sub-educational system where nothing seems to be new except situations linked with the inadequate teaching staffs. In the English institutions, the notion of the subject matter is geared toward civics educations which has move to citizenship studies. Table 3 illustrates the meaning of peace in some selected local languages in the North West Region. 

Table 3: The Meaning of Peace in Some Local Languages in the NWR

Source: Data from study in the North West Province (Region), October 2008.

The Extent to which Citizenship Education is Taught

Unlike the above, citizenship is summarily defined as the rights of individuals and that of the state vis-a-vis its people. To the understanding of this notion, efficient knowledge over this subject is likely going to reduce tension and differences within people, societies, the nation and the world at large. It is at the bases of this regard that we decided to focus our research on how this subject is taught in some selected schools in the North West Region. 

The French Educational Sub-System 

In line with data gathered from the provincial pedagogic inspector of Geography and History, Citizenship education is fully implemented in the Francophone sub-educational system contrary to that of the Anglophone system. In this condition, citizenship education was and is still taught in all the classes. They are being evaluated like other subjects. In this wise, the credit or the coefficient granted is the same like in any other subject earlier mentioned in the former section. In Government Bilingual High School (GBHS) Down Town Bamenda for instance, the French students are aware of the importance of the subject for the subject was taught like any other subject. The period and program allocated for the teaching of this subject is the same like in any other subject [14].

The students are conscious of the lesson they are being taught, their right and full responsibility in the society and that of the state to them. In the French sub-educational system, the teaching of this subject is efficient in both grammar, commercial and technical schools. During our discussion with some students of the French sub-educational system, they expressed their ability to preach on their rights as citizens, their liberty and that of the state. Some of them associate this subject even back at home where they equally discussed about the structuring of the family, how to solve their differences, where to present their problems and which action to take. One aspect seems to be clear about the teaching of this subject for the students are fully committed for it is in the Baccalaureate (meaning the GCE Advanced Level examination in the French sub-educational system) program just like any other subject. On the other hand, there are some setbacks for the smooth functioning of this program that do not give a perfect guarantee in the teaching of this subject which we shall discuss later. 

The English Sub-Educational System 

Contrary to the above, citizenship education, which had subsequently replaced civics education in the English sub-system of education, has been a major problem in most schools we visited. In secondary schools, the teaching of citizenship education begins as from form one right up to form three and the credits are different. The coefficient at times is half of that of an integral subject like Geography, History, Mathematics, or French. This method and credit skill have scared a good number of students in taking the subject seriously. This is largely due to the fact that its teaching is limited only in form three and has nothing to do with the GCE syllables uses. It is not also regarded as a subject in the terminal exams program in most of the classes. Citizenship education, at times is always aligned with subjects like economics, geography and history.

The teaching pedagogy of this subject is quite limited for many of the schools complain of lack of competent and trained teachers for the subject matter alone. The various teachers that handle this subject are drawn from history, geography and economics departments. Many of these teachers are at times forced, out of their will, to teach citizenship education to the students. This causes some of the students to have limited knowledge on their rights and obligations in their area of living. Some of the informants we came across at the teacher’s resource centre in Bamenda gave us an impression that in 2007, they were asked to implement fully the teaching of peace and citizenship education in their respective zones of influence. But the government has never taken serious steps to see this go operational such as making available resourceful persons, for example, teachers on the discipline. Equally, the lack of pedagogic material has really brought this teaching to a standstill contrary to what obtains in the Francophone sub-educational system. 

But in some of the private English institutions such as; Progressive Comprehensive High School (PCHS) Bamenda, Presbyterian Secondary School (PSS) Mankon and Saint Augustine College (SAC) Kumbo, students and the general staff are aware of the teaching of citizenship education. But the teaching of this is only limited up to form four and is evaluated since 2007 as a separate subject. However, the main pending problem here is the pedagogic materials for they had to work hand in glove with the government to make sure that the material is coherent with that of the national educational standard [15]. In some Teacher Training Colleges, such as Government Teacher Training College (GTTC) Bamenda, the subject is fully taught to the student teachers during their training course. Their timetable provides ample space for the teaching of citizenship education as noticed in their curriculum content. Students from the Higher Teacher Training College commonly known by its French acronym as ENS Bambili on the other hand were making references on what they were taught in secondary schools at then giving much attention to civic education. However, they made an allusion to the subject matter in a skeletal form. They only have enough knowledge on educational legislation that deals with the rules and regulations for schools and colleges. From the basis of what we collected in public and private institutions, one can understand the fact that private institutions in the English sub-educational system are putting more effort, with the collaboration of the general staff, in the teaching of the above subject. However, these efforts immensely suffer lack of pedagogic and didactic materials to meet the students’ aspiration. The section that follows permits us to understand the degree of internal cohesion in the study area.

The Degree of Internal Cohesion in the Region

Internal cohesion (cohabitation) in the North West Region of Cameroon was censored from many backgrounds and actors in the area under study. As such, individuals such as, politicians, war or conflict victims, traditional or religious, business men and ladies, some peace advocates (NGOs) in the region, educated and non-educated elites in the area were targeted during our research. Areas made up of so many ethnic groups such as the North West Region each with different objectives and ways of reasoning poses a serious handicap in mutual understanding in the area under study. The area itself has been a pasture of varying types of conflict, but what seems to be clear here is that intra-conflict (ethnic conflict) had been the major cause of differences in the area. This has always expressed itself in land and resource clamouring. That is why in the earlier part of this paper, we made mention of series of conflicts that have characterized the area. However, the advent of multiparty politics in the early 1990s has created a forum for an advent of a new form of conflict known as state-civilian conflict. Again, the activities of the Southern Cameroons National Council (SCNC) in the late 1990s has made the indigenes to live in mutual suspicion, distrust, and misunderstanding especially when they are not favoured by the post-colonial regime. Figure 1 illustrates some of the 1997 activists who were victims of the crisis. 

Figure 1: Some SCNC Activists Victims of the 1997 Strike, Ntarikon Bamenda

Source: Author’s collection from field work, June 2008, Note: From left to right; Paa Zacharia Khan, Kuma Augustin Tangyie, all 1997 detainees, Dr. Nfor Ngala Nfor, vice chairman & foreign affairs commissioner and René Ngek Monteh the researcher

The people inhabiting this region are from different parts of the Republic of Cameroon. Some of them have little grievances with their fellow neighbours which may aggravate in cases where land matters come to be. Resulting into our findings, many of the informants we got gave us an impression of mixed feelings. Some thought that they were well fitted in the society for they were sharing all the goods and the community with the people. In the various institutions found in the North West Region, some students and teachers who reside in this area but do not have any genealogical attachment to it freely interact with their colleagues, students and the head of institutions. A good number of them especially from the Western Region of Cameroon have permanently settled in the North West Region partly due to the acceptable climatic and social conditions. A good number of foreigners especially from neighbouring Nigeria have invested in the area with little fear. In this case, co-habitation within the people has been a prime focus. 

In a similar situation, issues related to politics have brought in direct divergences and misunderstanding amongst the people in the area. During our research and in relation to national unity, we were told by some informants that they are not really united; that the unification is only in paper because they feel they don’t have the same opportunities with their French or former East Cameroonian counterparts. To them, these ideological differences have been the main cause of secessionist tendencies advocated especially by the SCNC activities in 1997. However, they believe to have been marginalized in line with administrative and political guarantee of the nation. They blame, at times, some of their educated elite for not fighting a common battle. 

Whatever the case, during our final research tour in 2008, we noticed that the people living in the area under study live in perfect harmony especially when it comes to questioning the presence of foreigners in the area. Talking about durable or long-lasting investments in the region, our neighbouring brothers from the Western Region stand the lead. To substantiate this point, we noticed, especially in the public transport sector, proprietors of Amour Mezam Expess, Grand Jeannot and Guarantee Express who are basically from the West Region. In the same light, the advent of new mediators such as NGOs, as cited in table 2, has contributed enormously in planting a seed of concord between the people living in this part of Cameroon. This is because the area itself was noticed as an area plagued with the highest number of conflict episodes in Cameroon. These NGOs, like the Ecumenical Mission for Peace and Development Foundation (EMPED), has had a lot of financial, technical and moral supports from the Canadian government for work in this Region. Many of these conflicts resulting to crowd manifestations were systematically resolved by this NGO who worked in collaboration with the government [16].

The people inhabiting this region are from different parts of the Republic of Cameroon. Some of them have little grievances with their fellow neighbours which may aggravate in cases where land matters come to be. Resulting into our findings, many of the informants we got gave us an impression of mixed feelings. Some thought that they were well fitted in the society for they were sharing all the goods and the community with the people. In the various institutions found in the North West Region, some students and teachers who reside in this area but do not have any genealogical attachment to it freely interact with their colleagues, students and the head of institutions. A good number of them especially from the Western Region of Cameroon have permanently settled in the North West Region partly due to the acceptable climatic and social conditions. A good number of foreigners especially from neighbouring Nigeria have invested in the area with little fear. In this case, co-habitation within the people has been a prime focus. 

In a similar situation, issues related to politics have brought in direct divergences and misunderstanding amongst the people in the area. During our research and in relation to national unity, we were told by some informants that they are not really united; that the unification is only in paper because they feel they don’t have the same opportunities with their French or former East Cameroonian counterparts. To them, these ideological differences have been the main cause of secessionist tendencies advocated especially by the SCNC activities in 1997. However, they believe to have been marginalized in line with administrative and political guarantee of the nation. They blame, at times, some of their educated elite for not fighting a common battle. 

Whatever the case, during our final research tour in 2008, we noticed that the people living in the area under study live in perfect harmony especially when it comes to questioning the presence of foreigners in the area. Talking about durable or long-lasting investments in the region, our neighbouring brothers from the Western Region stand the lead. To substantiate this point, we noticed, especially in the public transport sector, proprietors of Amour Mezam Expess, Grand Jeannot and Guarantee Express who are basically from the West Region. In the same light, the advent of new mediators such as NGOs, as cited in table 2, has contributed enormously in planting a seed of concord between the people living in this part of Cameroon. This is because the area itself was noticed as an area plagued with the highest number of conflict episodes in Cameroon. These NGOs, like the Ecumenical Mission for Peace and Development Foundation (EMPED), has had a lot of financial, technical and moral supports from the Canadian government for work in this Region. Many of these conflicts resulting to crowd manifestations were systematically resolved by this NGO who worked in collaboration with the government [16].

Internal cohesion in the North West Region at times is fragile due to frequent land conflicts amongst the inhabitants of the area. In many cases, some of these conflicts emanate when land claim becomes the peoples duty. This is often manifested especially when the land is considered not to have been acquired in an appropriate manner or to the satisfaction of the people concerned. At times the people of this region refer to new land buyers as intruders especially when the possession and rights of the people are threatened by foreigners mostly referred to as strangers. However, peaceful cohabitation is well demonstrated when land ownership is acquired at the satisfaction of the local population and traditional authorities. This problem is commonly faced by the Bamilikés of the Western Region who have dominated the economy arena and are ready to acquire land wherever they find themselves [17]. 

Beside the above, internal cohesion in this part of the country is further weakened at times when state-civilian conflict and multiparty politics reach their climax. This has been an outstanding problem in the Region especially with the advent of multiparty politics. The two dominant political parties are the Social Democratic Front (SDF) and the Cameroon People’s Democratic Movement (CPDM), which often confront each other during elections in the area in particular and in the country in general. This is simply because each of these political parties has its own political ideology which may at times create an atmosphere of discord vis-à-vis the local population and the administrators in place [18]. 

Proposed Solutions by Respondents for Effective Cohesion in the Area

The differences in the North West Region of Cameroon have been misinterpreted to a larger extent by some of our leaders. That is why the advent of new mediators, especially government officials, has not sufficiently helped in peace building during the successive crises earlier discussed. This explains why during our studies, we granted and examined series of proposals from responses in relation to a better cohabitation amongst the people leaving in this Region. Proposed solutions here vary from individuals, NGOs and state institutions. These solutions will go a long way to fight against societal crisis such as, nepotism, tribalism and create national awareness for a better Cameroon [19].

First and foremost, the general public has to be educated on the notion of peace and citizenship so that they should become aware of their rights and responsibilities towards each other and the State. In this case, many informants made us to understand that it is not only education through secondary schools that will solve the differences arising from different communities or ethnic groups. The masses need also to be educated via public forums organized by the government and NGOs especially those engaged in Human Rights activities in the area. This education can also be regarded as a kind of adult education where the traditional leaders are taught on how to settle their differences without the need of the administration. An example of such teachings is captured from the Bali/ Bawock ethnic strife of 2007, where NGOs like the Justice and Peace Commission from the Bamenda Archdioceses devoted their time in sensitizing the indigenes and the chiefs on how to live amicably. 

On the other hand, one cannot resolve conflicts and make peace unless the root causes of the conflict are identified and dealt with. The implication for this is that for conflicts to be resolved, one must look beyond surface issues and address the substances and emotional issues as well as the parties’ needs and interests that are at the root of the conflict. In other words, lasting peace between conflicting parties is possible only when deeper needs are accommodated and satisfied. This is a good situation with the SCNC and the farmer/ grazier crisis in the area.

To others, it is not possible to resolve conflict and attain peace unless attention is given to the justice and fairness of the process as well as the outcome of the settlement. However, peace without justice is rather meaningless, although this is not to suggest that the pursuit of justice and the pursuit of peace are one and the same thing. In this context, the search for justice requires the impact which the settlement of the conflict might have on parties not represented in the peace making process. 

Conflict resolution in this region and peacemaking involves a co-structuring of relationships, a transition of an order based on cohesion to one based on voluntarism; from a relationship characterized by hierarchy to one marked by equality, participation, respect, mutual enrichment and growth as stated by Albert Nde, the then urban delegate of the Bamenda city council.

In line with our findings, we come to understand that solving the differences in the area, the parties concerned must learn to say the truth, the authorities in place should learn also to acknowledge traditional institutions and vice versa. Let peace and citizenship education be taught as a separate subject and introduced in the General Certificate of Education (GCE) syllabus so as to encourage the growing population to be aware on their rights and responsibilities.

The above research in the North West Region of Cameroon was out to access the degree to which peace and citizenship education are being taught and perceived in some prominent institutions in the area. Findings reveal that some people are ignorant about the existence of peace education, citizenship education and cohabitation in the area under study. This explains why violence from this area increased at an alarming rate and proportion in such a manner that it has not only threatened our national unity, but also our national development objectives. It is for this reason that peace education should be a veritable tool to promote mutual relationships among Cameroonians living there. The data collected was largely drawn from different sectors of the society in the area especially primary sources. We equally drew contributions from secondary school teachers, students, focus group discussions (FGD) held in three prominent academic milieus, NGOs, indigenes, religious leaders, learned and non-learned elite of the environment [20]. The contributions from the influential political leaders, and some of the administrators provided some clarifications when we were confronted with doubts. In conclusion, the notion of peace and citizenship education in the Anglophone sub educational system still needs to be revived by stakeholders for it exists on paper but not in actual practice. This teaching is contrary to that of the Francophone sub educational system where an average mechanism is put in place to encourage the teaching and learning of both peace and citizenship education. 

1. Francis, Nyamnjoh, and Michael Rowlands. “Elite Associations and the Politics of Belonging in Cameroon.” Africa, 1998, p. 11.

2. Ibid.,p.12.

3. Naboth H. A. Nwafor. “Peace Education and National Development: A Critical Appraisal.” Journal of Economics and Sustainable Development, Rivers State University of Science & Technology, Port Harcourt, Nigeria, vol. 3, no. 11, 2012, p. 132.

4. Assefa, Hizkias. Peace and Reconciliation as a Paradigm: A Philosophy of Peace and Its Implications on Conflict, Governance, and Economic Growth in Africa. Nairobi Peace Initiative Monograph Series, no. 1, 1993, p. 3.

5. N. H. A. Nwafor. “Peace Education and National Development: A Critical Appraisal.” p. 134.

6. UNESCO. “Promoting a Culture of Peace and Non-violence in Africa through Education for Peace and Conflict Prevention. Phase 1 : Mapping Final Report—Peace Education in Africa: Mapping of Policies, Programs, and Resources in Sub‐Saharan Africa.” 2013, p. 4.

7. Fountain, Susan. Peace Education in UNICEF. United Nations Children’s Fund, New York, June 1999, p. 1.

8. Anumba, Florence Nnenna. “Citizenship Education in Nigeria: For the Young, or the Old?” Academic Journal of Interdisciplinary Studies, vol. 2, no. 10, Oct. 2013, pp. 37–46. MCSER Publishing, Rome-Italy.

9. U.S. Government. The Oxford Guide to the United States Government. 2002.

10. Columbia Encyclopaedia. The Columbia Electronic Encyclopaedia, 6th ed., Columbia University Press, 2003, www.cc.columbia.edu/cu/cup/. Accessed 21 Oct. 2008.

11. Law Encyclopaedia. West’s Encyclopaedia of American Law.Gale Group, 1998.

12. Nyerere, J. K. Freedom and Unity. Dar es Salaam: Oxford University Press, 1966, p. 56.

13. A. M. Z. Sadek. “National Unity in Cyprus.” PhD Thesis, Cairo University, Faculty of Economics and Political Science, 1980, p. 179.

14. Rubin, M., et al. “Immigrants’ Social Integration as a Function of Approach-Avoidance Orientation and Problem-Solving Style.” International Journal of Intercultural Relations, 2012, pp. 498–505.

15. National Archives Buea (NAB). W. E. Hunt. Report on the Bamenda Division of the Cameroon Province for the League of Nations for the Year Ended 31 December 1921, p. 2.

16. North West Provincial Delegation MINAT. 2007, p. 5.

17. North West Regional Master Plan for Sustainable Development Report. Apr. 2001, p. 7.

18. Brinkhoff, T. “Institut National de la Statistique Cameroun.” City Population, 2007, http://www.citypopulation.de. Accessed 3 Apr. 2009.

19. Nkwi, P. Nchoji. Traditional Diplomacy. 1987, p. 15.

20. Provincial Delegation MINAT. 2007.