<article xmlns:mml="http://www.w3.org/1998/Math/MathML" xmlns:xlink="http://www.w3.org/1999/xlink" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" article-type="Research Article" dtd-version="1.0"><front><journal-meta><journal-id journal-id-type="pmc">iarjel</journal-id><journal-id journal-id-type="pubmed">IARJEL</journal-id><journal-id journal-id-type="publisher">IARJEL</journal-id><issn>2708-5120</issn></journal-meta><article-meta><article-id pub-id-type="doi">https://doi.org/10.47310/iajel.2020.v01i02.016</article-id><title-group><article-title>Election and Corruption: The Case of Gabon</article-title></title-group><contrib-group><contrib contrib-type="author"><name><given-names>Assoumou</given-names><surname>Ondo</surname></name></contrib><xref ref-type="aff" rid="aff-a" /></contrib-group><aff-id id="aff-a">Cireged-Omar Bongo University, Gabon</aff-id><abstract>This article analyzes the relationship between elections and corruption. Unlike previous approaches on African countries, in general, and Gabon, in particular, we have integrated a new control variable, namely: « the number of ministerial staff rotation ». After estimating the direct influence of elections on corruption by the robust least squares method over the period 2000 to 2019, we show that there is a significant relationship between elections and the Corruption Perceptions Index (CPI). Thus, it appears that the elections promote corruption in the country. In addition, we also show that the low level of Gabonese « press freedom » encourages corruption and that the multiplication of changes of members of the ministerial office could increase it.</abstract></article-meta></front><body /><back /></article>